<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><xml><records><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Timothy J. Abel</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rethinking the Iroquoian Occupation of Northern New York</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">283-302</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Recent Bayesian modeling of new high-precision AMS dates has caused a revision of the Iroquoian chronology of northern New York. The Iroquoian occupation is now estimated to date between AD&amp;nbsp;1425–1520, with no good evidence for developmental precursors in the region. The more than 50 village components in the region must now fit into almost half the temporal span as previously believed. All the settlement clusters now seem to have been contemporary and dual village settlement for some of the clusters now seems likely. For the ceramic seriation to remain true, one of the cluster sequences must be chronologically reversed, having significant implications for its culture history. Finally, while their dispersal from northern New York remains complex, it must be rethought considering the new chronology.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;De récentes modélisations bayésiennes utilisant de nouvelles datations AMS de haute précision ont mené à une révision de la chronologie iroquoienne du nord de l’État de New York. La présence iroquoienne est maintenant datée entre les années 1425 et 1520 de notre ère, et sans aucuns indices liés au développement in situ dans la région. Plus de cinquante sites villageois identifiés dans la région doivent maintenant être placés dans un cadre temporel réduit de moitié par rapport à celui que les archéologues utilisaient auparavant. Tous les regroupements de sites semblent maintenant être contemporains et un mode d’occupation à deux villages contemporains pour certaines concentrations de sites semble probable. Afin de maintenir la validité de la sériation céramique des sites, il faudra inverser chronologiquement une des séquences d’occupation des villages, ce qui implique des changements importants pour l’histoire culturelle de la région. Finalement, bien que la dispersion de ces groupes iroquoiens de la région septentrionale de l’État de New York demeure une question complexe, il faudra la repenser à la lumière de ces nouvelles données chronologiques.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allard, Travis</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurie Shead</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reaching Out by Looking In: Interactive Burial</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">There is a clear need for archaeology to reach out to the public. Controversy surrounding the archaeology of human remains continues to cultivate misunderstandings between archaeologists, aboriginal groups, and the public. The following is a proposal for an interactive burial, which will be an innovative and informative tool for interfacing with the public about various perspectives, issues, and questions related to burial archaeology. The interactive CD ROM introduces the basic units and methods of human skeletal analysis and discusses the advantages and disadvantages of each analytical method. Five self-directed fictional burial excavations allow the user to explore various aspects of burial archaeology, including context, preservation, research, and repatriation. Respect for multiple perspectives concerning human remains is emphasized, and other ideas are presented as legitimate and equitable. Highlights include the contribution archaeology makes to the forward progress of knowledge and to a greater understanding of the human condition.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth M. Ames</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Martindale</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rope Bridges and Cables: A Synthesis of Prince Rupert Harbour Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">140-178</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Prince Rupert Harbour is a flagship region in Northwest Coast prehistory with resonance across the archaeological world as an epitome of the development of hunter-gatherer-fisher social and political complexity. It is so because of the harbour&amp;rsquo;s extraordinary archaeological record, its long history of archaeological research, and most importantly, the Coast Tsimshian people and their deep and abiding commitment to their history and their oral record of it, the adawx. There is however a chasm between history as narrated archaeologically and as narrated by Coast Tsimshian scholars. A crucial on-going effort of archaeological research in the harbour has been to build bridges of inference to span that chasm. We review the history of archaeology in Prince Rupert Harbour to argue that a synthesis of this divergence is possible. However it requires resolving three recurring challenges to spanning this divide: 1) sampling issues, 2) the diversity of theoretical approaches in archaeology and 3) the complexity of the historical subject, the scope of which is visible to us via the adawx. These challenges face archaeologists working anywhere but may be most pressing where archaeologists and Native scholars are actively working to span the divide.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Le port de Prince Rupert est une région phare dans la préhistoire de la cote Nordouest. Cette région a une résonance à travers le monde archéologique comme une example classique de l’évolution de la complexité sociale et politique dans les societies chasseurs-cueilleurs-pêcheurs. Il en est ainsi grace au record archéologique extraordinaire de du port, à sa longue histoire de la recherche archéologique, et plus important encore, le people du Cote Tsimshian et leur engagement profond et constant dans leur histoire et de leur archive orale: la adawx. Il existe cependant un abime entre l’histoire racontée dans la recherché archéologique et celui des chercheurs Cote Tsimshian. Un effort essentiel de la recherche archéologique dans le port a été de construire des ponts d’inférence pour enjamber cette abime. Nous effectuons un compte rendu de l’histoire de l’archéologie dans le port de Prince Rupert pour faire valoir que la synthèse de cette divergence est possible. Mais afin de le faire, il est essentielle de résoudre trois défis récurrents: des problemes d’échantillonnage, la diversité des approches théoriques en archéologie et de la complexité du sujet historique. La portée de ce dernier nous est visible par l’intermédiaire du adawx. Ces défis confrontent les archéologues partout au monde, mais est peut-être plus urgent où les archéologues et chercheurs autochtones travaillent activement pour enjamber l’abime.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arendt, Beatrix</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Return to Hopedale: Excavations at Anniowaktook Island, Hopedale, Labrador</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">302-330</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Hopedale region in Labrador, Canada has a rich history of human activity. Some of the earliest archaeological research on Inuit of this region was conducted by American archaeologist Junius Bird in 1935; however, few researchers have returned to the region to expand on his work. This paper provides a summary of recent excavations conducted at an eighteenth century Inuit sod house settlement Bird identified on Anniowaktook Island (GgCi-02) just east of Hopedale. The region was considered a central trading area among Inuit. Excavations were expected to identify items indicative of this trade with the increasing prevalence of European traders along the coast. Instead, artifact assemblages at Anniowaktook reveal a smaller than expected collection of trade items, and a surprisingly high density of metal materials. The types and quantity of materials amassed suggest Anniowaktook Inuit were making different consumption choices to acquire materials for tool manufacture which were not traditionally part of the trade system.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La ville et la région d’Hopedale au Labrador, Canada, ont un riche passé d’occupation humaine comme l’a démontré une étude archéologique dirigée par Junius Bird en 1935 sur la population Inuit de cette région. Cependant, peu de chercheurs y étaient retournés pour poursuivre ce que Bird avait entrepris. Le présent travail expose les résultats des fouilles menées récemment dans un village Inuit du 18ème siècle, dans l’île Anniowaktook (GgCi-02), à l’est d’Hopedale, où Bird avait identifié des maisons de tourbe (sod houses). Puisque la région était censée avoir été un centre commercial important, on pensait que les fouilles aideraient à identifier des objets prouvant l’existence de ce commerce et surtout à montrer la prédominance des marchands européens tout le long de la côte. Au contraire, la collection d’artefacts retrouvés à Anniowaktook contient très peu d’objets ayant servi au commerce, mais plutôt une quantité surprenante d’objets en métal. La diversité et la quantité des métaux retrouvés suggèrent que les Inuit d’Anniowaktook choisissaient d’acquérir des matériaux pour la fabrication d’outils qui ne faisaient pas partie du réseau commercial traditionnel.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arthurs, David</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Remapping the Historic Caribou Fences of Vuntut National Park</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The historic caribou fences lying on the southern slopes of the British Mountains, in the northern Yukon, are some of the most impressive and evocative archaeological features of the western Subarctic. To provide data for their interpretation and presentation, and to assist in the management of these fragile cultural resources, the seven wooden caribou fences of Vuntut National Park of Canada are being remapped.This presentation will compare and contrast the fences that have been investigated to date, and discuss the challenges of recording and managing these landscape-scale structures.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Balcom, R.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A regional approach to the study of diet during the first Century of the Hudson&#039;s Bay Company fur trade</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Hudson&#039;s Bay Company Archives contain a wealth of information</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bandow, James B.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacqueline Fisher</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reflections On Water: Streamlining Predictive Modeling in Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">With the introduction of heritage legislation in Ontario over the last three decades, the growth of Cultural Resource Management, and the resulting trend towards implementation of regional archaeological master plans, several predictive models have been produced for use in archaeological planning. Yet, there is a reluctance on the part of Ontario archaeologists to incorporate these methodologies into a standard cohesive long term strategy. Rather, archaeologists continue to rely on simple &#039;distance to water&#039; criterion when determining high, medium, and low archaeological site potential. Why? The reason may lie both in the orthodox nature of government bureaucracy and in the inadequacy of deploying difficult to use models that continue to be untested, without validation, or any other form of nullification. As such, some regional master plans become obsolete: the implementation schedule does not meet the needs of the client. Is this a question of theory or scale? This paper will review and address the utility of predictive modelling in Ontario. An alternative approach is suggested combining several attributes of deductive spatial models employed elsewhere with technological solutions to the problem of low resolution of inductive approaches. These new methodologies would incorporate known aspects of culture history alongside environmental variables and contemporary social realities.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Belsham, Leanne</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrea Richards</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Re-Analysis of the Late Side-Notched Projectile Point typology for the Northeastern Plains</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Since the inception of the Late Side-notched projectile point system in the 1960&#039;s by R.S. MacNeish, R. Forbis, and T. Kehoe, researchers have applied this typology to projectile points recovered from sites on the Northern Plains. These types have been used as relative temporal markers for different cultures on the Northern Plains. J. Ives and T. Peck re-evaluated the Late Side-notched projectile point system in the mid 1990&#039;s using sites from the Northwestern Plains. The result of this research was the development of two distinct point classes called Cayley series and Mortlach group. These classes represent temporal and geographic distribution of cultures residing on the Northwestern Plains. The traditional model for the Late Side-notched points and this new classification does not encompass projectile points from Blackduck sites on the Northeastern Plains. This presentation offers an analysis of side notched projectile points from selected Northeastern Plains sites including Brockinton, Stott and Hokanson. This evaluation serves to support the notion offered by Peck and Ives that some side notched points do not correspond with the existing typology particularly regarding the stylistic differences of points from Blackduck sites. Late Side-notched projectile point classification needs to be re-evaluated as a temporal and geographic marker for Late Precontact cultures occupying the Northern Plains region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">BEUKENS, Roelf</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE RADIOCARBON DATING OF SMALL UNCONVENTIONAL SAMPLES BY AMS</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The advent of AMS Radiocarbon dating has made possible the analysis of small unconventional samples, such has cultigens, foraminifera and small gastropods, fibres etc. The success of these analyses is contingent upon knowledge of the organic constituents and their appropriate chemical processing. The lessons learned from the successes and particularly the failures will be discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jennifer Birch</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rethinking the Archaeological Application of Iroquoian Kinship</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kinship is the primary idiom through which social and political relationships are constructed and maintained in Northern Iroquoian societies. As such, it has often been invoked in explanations for organizational changes observed archaeologically. However, if overly generalized models of Iroquoian kinship are employed to explain the archaeological record we risk masking the variable and contingent nature of social relationships as they existed in practice. In this paper I discuss the historical construction of Iroquoian kinship by anthropologists and how archaeologists have applied the resulting models. I discuss how the terms matrilineage and clan have been used to describe household and village organization and offer alternative suggestions for how kinship-based relationships might be more productively employed (and not employed) in archaeological interpretations of Iroquoian society.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jennifer Birch</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rethinking the Archaeological Application of Iroquoian Kinship</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">194-213</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Kinship is the primary idiom through which social and political relationships are constructed and maintained in Northern Iroquoian societies. As such, kinship terminology has often been invoked in explanations for organizational changes observed archaeologically. However, if overly generalized models of Iroquoian kinship are employed to explain the archaeological record we risk masking the variable and contingent nature of social relationships as they existed in practice. In this paper I will discuss the historical construction of Iroquoian kinship by cultural anthropologists and how archaeologists have applied the resulting models. I will also explore how the terms matrilineage and clan have been used to describe household and village organization and offer alternative suggestions for how kinship-based relationships might be more productively employed (and not employed) in archaeological interpretations.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Chez les sociétés Iroquoiennes du nord, les relations sociales et politiques sont principalement construites et entretenues par l&amp;rsquo;entremise des liens de parenté. Pour expliquer les changements organisationnels qui sont observés archéologiquement, on fait souvent appel à la terminologie des liens de parenté. Par contre, si on utilise des modèles de liens de parenté iroquoiens trop généralisés pour expliquer le registre archéologique, on risque de masquer la nature variable et contingente des relations sociales telles qu&amp;rsquo;elles existaient en pratique. Dans cet article, je vais discuter la construction historique des liens de parenté iroquoiens en anthropologie culturelle et comment les modèles résultants ont été appliqués par les archéologues. Je vais aussi explorer comment les termes matrilinéaire et clan ont été utilisés pour décrire l&amp;rsquo;organisation ménagère et villageoise et alternativement, je suggère comment les relations basées sur les liens de parenté pourraient être plus efficacement employées (et non employées) dans les interprétations archéologiques.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David W. Black</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rum Beach and the Susquehanna Tradition in the Quoddy Region, Charlotte County, New Brunswick</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">24</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">089-106</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In 1972, Dena Dincause defined the Atlantic phase as the earliest part of the Susquehanna tradition in southern New England, based, in part, on artifacts from an intertidal archaeological site in Massachusetts. In 1993, an intertidal site was recorded at Rum Beach on the Bliss Islands, Quoddy Region, Charlotte County, New Brunswick. Here I describe the Rum Beach site (BgDq24) and artifacts recovered from it, present evidence that the site represents a late Susquehanna tradition occupation of the Bliss Islands, and consider the implications of the site for understanding and further exploring the transition from Terminal Archaic to Maritime Woodland cultures in the Quoddy Region.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;En 1972, Dena Dincause a défini la phase Atlantique comme étant le début de la tradition Susquehanna dans le nord de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, une affirmation fondée en partie sur la découverte d&amp;#39;artefacts dans un site archéologique intertidal, au Massachusetts. En 1993, on a répertorié un site intertidal à Rum Beach dans les îles Bliss de la région de Quoddy, dans le comté de Charlotte, au Nouveau-Brunswick. Voici ma description du site de Rum Beach (BgDq-24) et des artefacts qui y ont été découverts, présentant des éléments qui prouvent qu&amp;#39;il s&amp;#39;agit d&amp;#39;une des dernières occupations traditionnelles Susquehanna dans les îles Bliss. Je traite aussi de l&amp;#39;importance de ce site pour comprendre la situation archéologique préhistorique de la région de Quoddy.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David W. Black</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rum Beach and the Susquehanna Tradition in the Quoddy Region, Charlotte County, New Brunswick</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1972, Dena Dincause defined the &#039;Atlantic phase&#039; as the earliest part of the Susquehanna tradition in southern New England, based, in part, on artifacts from an intertidal archaeological site in Massachusetts. In 1993, an intertidal site was recorded at Rum Beach on the Bliss Islands, Quoddy Region, Charlotte County, New Brunswick. Here I describe the Rum Beach site (BgDq24) and artifacts recovered from it, present evidence that the site represents a late Susquehanna tradition occupation of the Bliss Islands, and consider the implications of the site for understanding and further exploring the Terminal Archaic/Maritime Woodland transition in the Quoddy Region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Blakey, Janet</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian Vivian</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Murray Lobb</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Re-Visiting Cultural Historical Models for the Central Alberta Parklands: A Case Study from Genesee</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In this presentation traditional Cultural Historical Landuse models for the Central Alberta Parklands are evaluated in the light of recent archaeological and paleoenvironmental investigations Lifeways of Canada has undertaken in Genesee in 2003 and 2004. Previous archaeological studies of the Parkland environment have placed an emphasis on the transitional nature of the region located between the open grassland Prairies to the south and the closed Boreal Forest to the north. In this sense the cultural history of the region is seen to be inextricably linked with fluctuations in climate and environment over the last 10,000 years or more. This approach has greatly influenced interpretations generated from the Genesee Historical Resource studies, which still stands as one of the most inclusive studies of cultural resources found in the Parklands of Alberta. Recent investigations at Genesee have allowed staff from Lifeways of Canada to return to this study area twenty years after the fact, and readdress the question of how accurate this Parklands land use model is.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bourque, Bruce</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Radiocarbon Dating and the Little Gap</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The period between the end of the Susquehanna tradition and the appearance of Vintette I pottery in Maine remains a stark void in comparison to the millennia before and after it. One approach to understanding what may have been going on during the little gap is to examine the radiocarbon-dated components that appear to fall within its limits. Such an examination appears to offer little evidence that the gap is being narrowed by these new data.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alan L. Bryan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ruth Gruhn</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Revised Chronology for the Varsity Estates Site, Calgary, Alberta</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">79-102</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Varsity Estates site, located on the slope of the Bow River Valley in west Calgary, is covered by Glacial Lake Calgary deposits. A 2-m-thick upper till unit under the glacial lake deposit contains abundant quartzite and carbonate pebbles and cobbles. Four artifacts recovered from the till are described, and hypothesized to be associated with quarry-workshop activity on the gravel-covered surface of the valley glacier. A reanalysis of the site stratigraphy suggests a terminal Pleistocene dating for the site, not a pre-Late Wisconsinan age, as previously hypothesized.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Le site de Varsity Estates est situé sur une pente de la vallée de la rivière Bow dans le secteur ouest de la ville de Calgary. Il est recouvert de dépôts du lac glaciaire Calgary. Sous ces dépôts, la couche supérieure de till d&amp;#39;une épaisseur de 2_m contient nombreux galets de quartzite et de roches carbonatées. Nous décrivons ici quatre artefacts qui proviennent du till. Nous proposons qu&amp;#39;ils sont associés à des activités de carrière et d&amp;#39;atelier de taille sur la surface de graviers du glacier de vallée. Une nouvelle analyse de la stratigraphie du site suggère une datation vers la fin du Pléistocène pour cette occupation et non pas une datation du pré-Wisconsinien supérieur comme proposé auparavant.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">BUDAK, Michael</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Replication of Ancient North American Ceramics / Reproduction de céramiques anciennes d&#039;Amérique du Nord</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">As part of ongoing studies in the replication of western Woodland and Mississippian pottery, the author has experimented with the preparation, forming and firing requirements of native clays. The choice and addition of aplastics (&#039;temper&#039;) to the clay body influences how it responds during the firing process. This paper reports on experiments with native clay bodies containing differing amounts of temper and their responses to wood fuelled open firing conditions.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steven Bull</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reconstructed Ceramic Pots: Relationships Between Whole Vessels and their Rim Sherds</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">13</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">219-222</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Meghan Burchell</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Représentation des sexes et du statut dans les sépultures de la côte Nord-Ouest</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burke, Ariane</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anne Pike-Tay</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reconstructing the &#039;Age du Renne&#039;</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A popular representation of reindeer-dependent Ice Age peoples has endured since the designation &#039;Age du Renne&#039; was bestowed upon the Upper Paleolithic of Southwest France in 1877. In this paper we expand the discussion of French Upper Paleolithic subsistence and settlement activities to include other prey species and ask whether the apparent emphasis on Rangifer is (a) the result of strategic planning (i.e. specialization), on the part of hunters, or (b) a function of species availability. Seasonality studies and prey mortality patterns are used as a means of assessing the degree to which Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers in Southwest France relied on reindeer.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Burley</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Response to Solicited Dialogues on &quot;A Never Ending Story&quot;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">18</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">127-134</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James A. Burns</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rights of Passage: Addressing Some Wrongs in the &#039;Ice-free Corridor&#039; Debate from a Paleontologist&#039;s Point of View</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The advent of early humans in the New World has, for many years, assumed a route was available, likely through Alberta, at some time during, or just after, die Wisconsinan glacial stage. The notion dovetailed with the mounting evidence for habitation sites of that age in the contiguous United States. However, much was said and written without direct references to the evidence on the ground and in the ground of Alberta. In the last 9 years, over 70 dates exceeding 9000 y BP have been run for the Provincial Museum on animal bones and wood from paleontological sites across the province. These dates bracket a gaping hiatus from around 22,000 to 11,600 y BR. Big game hunters from Asia were absent from the region because conditions in the alleged &#039;ice-free&#039; or &#039;western&#039; corridor were unsuitable even for big game. The demonstrable explanation is extensive late Wisconsinan glaciation. The &#039;First Albertans&#039; so far discovered postdate the earliest postglacial bone dates by about 1000 y, but mounting evidence for a single glaciation in Alberta (=Late Wisconsinan) also suggests that the field was open for many millennia before glacial onset around 22,000 y BP. So, when was the New World occupied, and by what route? The search continues.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William J. Byrne</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The resource question and rescue archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title><tertiary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Symposium on Conservation Archaeology and Archaeological Resource Management presented at the 9th Annual Meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association, April 29–May 2, 1976 at Winnipeg, Manitoba</style></tertiary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">109-121</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAMPBELL, Bonnie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Results of the Canim Lake Band Archaeological Inventory Study of 111 Mile Creek, Lac la Hache, BC</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1997, the Canim Lake Band&#039;s Archaeological Inventory Study (AIS) was conducted by Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd. in the 111 Mile Creek Drainage (near Lac la Hache, BC) as part of an Archaeological Overview Assessment (AOA) being conducted for the Cariboo Tribal Council. The purpose of the AIS was to generate base-line data to improve our understanding of the distribution of archaeological resources in the area and assist with forestry planning. Transects were placed in association with aquatic features to generate data about buffer size as used in AOA modelling processes. Aquatic features in two biogeoclimatic zones were tested. Each transect was surveyed twice; once judgmentally and again systematically using a predetermined test pattern. Testing included both surface and subsurface inspection. The survey was successful in two ways: (i) producing results which may be incorporated into the AOA model; and (ii) providing feedback on survey technique, particularly subsurface testing, which may have implications for future work in the region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ratfish and Marine Resource Dericiency on the Northwest Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Data from faunal reports, ethnographies, and nutritional studies are used to assess the prehistoric economic value of the ratfish. (Hydrolagus colliei) on the Northwest Coast. It is shown that sites or components of sites that exhibit a relatively high proportion of ratfish among the fish remains also tend to exhibit relatively low quantities of salmon and a high ratio of deer to harbour seal among mammalian fauna. Ethnographic and nutritional data indicate the low food value of ratfish and deer in contrast to more highly prized salmon and harbour seal. It is concluded that increased or relatively intense use of ratfish can serve as an indication of economic hard times. On this basis it may be possible to construct a more finely textured understanding of spatial and temporal variation in Northwest Coast economy.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ratfish and Marine Resource Deficiencies on the Northwest Coast</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">049-060</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The ratfish (Hydrolagus colliei) is considered of negligible economic value, though it is often a major component of archaeological fish assemblages from the Northwest Coast. A lack of ethnographic reference to its use and poor nutritional qualities that rank it below most available fish species suggest that the ratfish is a marginal resource that was used only in response to a deficiency of preferred marine resources. Variation in ratfish abundance indicates temporal fluctuations in local site economies on the central coast of British Columbia.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La chimère (Hydrolagus colliei - ratfish) est un poisson considéré comme une valeur économique négligeable, même s&amp;#39;il est souvent une composante majeure des assemblages fauniques sur la Côte Nord-Ouest. Un manque de données ethnographiques concernant son utilisation et ses faibles qualités nutritives, qui le place derrière toutes les autres espèces de poissons disponibles, suggèrent que la chimère est une ressource marginale exploitée uniquement en réponse à une déficience des ressources marines habituellement privilégiées. La variation dans l&amp;#39;abondance de cette espèce indique des fluctuations temporelles dans les économies locales des sites de la côte centrale de la Colombie-Britannique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Routes, Crossroads, and Control Points: Defining Gateway Communities on the Northwest Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Examination of three villages on the central and south coasts of British Columbia illustrates their potential role as gateway communities. Their locations at the interface between environmentally or culturally defined regions, on routes travelled for resource acquisition or cultural interchange, explain a prominence that exceeds the economic or environmental potential of their locales. The village of Namu, within traditional Heiltsuk territory on the cental coast, and the Coast Salish village of Xway xway, in what is now Stanley Park, are situated at crossroads linking travel routes north and south and between inner and outer coastal zones. While it is unlikely these villages exerted direct control over routes, their locations conceivably created and sustained social protocols for visiting and gifting while on route to further destinations. The central coast Wuikinuxv (Oweekeno) village of Cockmi, in contrast, is strategically located to control a key point of entry to Rivers Inlet.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canouts, Veletta</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Report on the Activities of the CIDOC Archaeological Sites Working Group</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Abstract not available.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nadia Charest</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christian Roy</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hélène Côté</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rêves d’Amériques: Regard sur l’archéologie de la Nouvelle France/Dreams of the Americas: Overview of New France Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">126-128</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chazan, Michael</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Research on the Early Stone Age of the Northern Cape Province, South Africa</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Early Stone Age of southern Africa encompasses over one million years of human evolution. Although there is a rich archaeological record for this time period few sites have been accurately dated or well analyzed. In 2004 in collaboration with archaeologists and geologists from South Africa and Israel I began a broad based project to date the Early Stone Age of the Northern Cape Province in South Africa. Included in this study are the sites of Riverton, Canteen Koppie, Wonderwerk Cave, and Kathu Pan I. The dating methods used include paleomagnetism, Optically Stimulated Luminescence, and Electron Spin Resonance. This paper presents an overview of the sites covered by the project and the major characteristics of the Early Stone Age of the Northern Cape Province. Of particular interest is the emergence of aspects of behavior often associated with modern humans towards the end of the Early Stone Age sequence. These behaviors include blade production, the controlled use of fire, and aspects of symbolic behavior.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chism, James V.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recherches archéologiques et historiques à Waskaganish : le premier établissement colonial britannique au Canada</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">En 1668, un capitaine de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, accompagné d&#039;un renégat français, subventionné par de riches Anglais et suivant les conseils d&#039;un chasseur Cri, pénétre dans l&#039;embouchure de la riviére Prince Rupert. Ils érigent sur une terrasse sablonneuse, désignée parles Cris sous le nom deKaaneyaauhkaaw, ce qui deviendra le premier établissement colonial britannique au Canada: le fort Charles. Devenu plus tard la communauté crie de Waskaganish, cet endroit a connu une succession d&#039;utilisations diverses: d&#039;abord un lieu de regroupement estival cri, puis un poste de la Compagnie de la Baie d&#039;Hudson (C.B.H.), un emplacement pour l&#039;exportation des plantes médicinales, un centre de prospection miniére, un avant-poste militaire, un poste d&#039;approvisionnement de la C.B.H., un refuge pour les gens des premiéres nations, un poste français sans personnel et finalement, un dépôt régional de la C.B.H. Cet important site archéologique de la côte est de la baie James est le sujet d&#039;une recherche documentaire historique et d&#039;un inventaire archéologique limité depuis 1987.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Research Programme on the Prehistory and Paleo-ecology of Northern Yukon</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper will consist of a summary of the Northern Yukon Research Progrmme&#039;s approach to the study of aboriginal man&#039;s adaptation to the Late Pleistocene and recent eastern Beringian space. Some of the information (primarily archaeological) gathered in the course of this first year of the programme is disucssed together with a number of emerging avenues of research.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Relationships of North Pacific and American Arctic Centres of Slate Grinding</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1980</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">027-038</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;A number of centres or areas characterized by ground slate industries are examined for possible derivation from a few original centres. It is found that where relationships might be expected on the basis of proximity or age there often are disjunctures in time, space or techniques that fail to support derived origins. It is concluded that regional innovation has led to the development of several essentially independent ground slate industries. Presently no direct links are seen between West Coast, south Alaskan, Bering Strait, Asian Maritime Territory, early Dorset, and Northeastern U.S./Atlantic Provinces distributions though in a few instances stimulus may be suspected.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L&#039;auteur étudie un certain nombre de centres ou de régions caractérisés par des industries d&#039;ardoise polie afin de déterminer si celles-ci ne dérivent pas d&#039;industries qui se seraient développées à l&#039;origine dans seulement un petit nombre de centres. Il a découvert que, dans les cas où l&#039;on peut établir des relations fondées sur la proximité ou l&#039;’ge, il y a souvent des discordances en ce qui concerne l&#039;époque, l&#039;espace ou les techniques qui ne confirment pas cette origine par dérivation. L&#039;auteur en conclut que les initiatives régionales ont conduit au développement de plusieurs industries d&#039;ardoise polie essentiellement indépendantes. ¿ l&#039;heure actuelle, on ne peut trouver aucun lien direct entre les répartitions de la Côte Ouest, du Sud de l&#039;Alaska, du détroit de Béring, du Territoire maritime asiatique, du Dorsétien inférieur, et du Nord-Est des _.-U./Provinces de l&#039;Atlantique bien qu&#039;en certains cas, ou puisse penser à une certaine stimulation.</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Conolly</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William Fox</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jennifer Birch</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Revised Chronology for the Emergence and Expansion of Late Woodland Villages along the North Shores of Lake Erie and Lake Ontario and Evidence for a Rapid Increase in Fortified Settlements in the Thirteenth Century AD</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2024</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">48</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37-69</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In this paper, we present a revised chronology for the appearance and development of village communities dating to the first part of the Late Woodland across the north shores of Lake Erie and Lake Ontario (Ontario, Canada). Our work is based on a sample of existing and newly obtained accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) dates from Late Woodland sites dating before AD 1450. We have examined these within a Bayesian modelling framework to provide a more precise understanding of the timing and pace of cultural change, with a focus on the changes in settlement size and organization structure. Our results emphasize the longevity and adaptive success of low-level food production among communities along the Grand River in the first phase of the Late Woodland. We also show that the transition to palisaded villages and fortified towns was not a slow four-century-long process that conventional dating implied. Instead, these changes unfolded over 150 years, exhibiting a more rapid transition than has previously been recognized, concentrated in the thirteenth century AD. These results are interpreted within the context of the growing value of intra-community cohesion alongside evidence for inter-community conflict.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Dans cet article, nous présentons une chronologie révisée de l’émergence et du développement des communautés villageoises durant la première partie du Sylvicole supérieur sur les rives nord des lacs Érié et Ontario (Ontario, Canada). Notre travail repose sur un échantillon de dates publiées ou inédites obtenues au moyen de la spectrométrie de masse par accélérateur (SMA) provenant de sites du Sylvicole supérieur datant d’avant 1450 apr. J.-C. Nous avons examiné ces données dans un cadre de modélisation bayésienne afin d’affiner notre compréhension de la chronologie et du rythme des changements culturels, en mettant l’emphase sur la transformation de la taille et de l’organisation structurelle des communautés villageoises. Nos résultats soulignent la longévité et le succès adaptatif des premières communautés villageoises pratiquant une agriculture à faible échelle le long de la rivière Grand durant la première phase du Sylvicole supérieur. Alors que les dates conventionnelles suggèrent une lente transition vers des villages palissadés et fortifiés s’étant échelonnée sur quatre siècles, nos dates corrigées montrent plutôt des transformations rapides sur une période beaucoup plus courte de 150 ans concentrée au XIII&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; siècle apr. J.-C. Ces résultats sont interprétés dans le contexte de la valeur croissante d’une cohésion intracommunautaire où se mêlent des indices de conflits intercommunautaires.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathlyn Stewart</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Resource Ownership, Political Control: Evidence from the Boardwalk Site on the Northern Northwest Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Of the many deep midden, village sites at Prince Rupert harbour on the northern Northwest Coast, the Boardwalk site is special. Boardwalk is much larger than other recorded village sites in the region, has a deeper history of occupation, and its occupants, at least in the later period, appear to have exercised regional control of key subsistence resources. In addition, Boardwalk has yielded to excavation many more artifacts symbolic of wealth and high social status than other Prince Rupert area sites. In this paper, we present evidence from recent excavations at Boardwalk related to the control of subsistence resources, in particular sea mammals. The implications of this resource control in terms of social and political organization are also discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John L. Creese</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rethinking Early Village Development in Southern Ontario: Toward a History of Place-Making</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">185-218</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The emergence of Iroquoian village societies in southern Ontario, Canada, was connected to the intensification of horticulture, residential sedentarization, and pronounced regional demographic growth. This paper critically evaluates longstanding archaeological debates about the nature and consequences of the early development of Northern Iroquoian village communities in southern Ontario. I argue that an adequate understanding of these developments depends on moving past debates over ethno-linguistic origins and degrees of sedentism, and toward a perspective that carefully traces people&amp;rsquo;s changing material engagements with their natural and built environments. This review suggests that Early Iroquoian villages were united by new kinds of generative entanglements with built space that can be understood as &amp;ldquo;place-making&amp;rdquo; practices. Early village place-making involved the architectural and ritual definition of enduring social groups&amp;mdash;households and village communities&amp;mdash;even as they maintained significant seasonal and logistic mobility across the landscape.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L’émergence de sociétés villageoises iroquoiennes nordiques dans le sud de l’Ontario, Canada, a été reliée à l’intensification de l’horticulture, la sédentarisation résidentielle, et une forte croissance démographique régionale. Cet article évalue de manière critique les débats archéologiques sur la nature et les conséquences de l’évolution rapide des communautés villageoise iroquoinnes nordiques dans le sud de l’Ontario. Une bonne compréhension de ces évolutions dépend du déplacement des débats passés sur l’origine ethno-linguistiques et des degrés de mobilité, vers une perspective qui retrace soigneusement l’évolution des engagements importants des gens avec leur environnement naturel et bâti. Cette étude suggère que les premiers villages iroquoiens étaient unis par de nouveaux types d’engagements générateurs avec le paysage construit. L’architecture et les rituels ont été utilisés pour construire des lieux sociaux. En conséquence, les ménages et les communautés villageoises ont été formulés en dépit du maintien de la mobilité saisonnière et logistique important dans le paysage.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crucefix, Lanna</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Red Metal: Copper Use in the Middle Archaic</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Old Copper Complex is generally defined as a set of discrete Middle Archaic (5000 to 3000 BP) cultures found throughout the Great Lakes region. The heartland (represented by greatest artifact density) is located in eastern Wisconsin. The primary diagnostic trait of these cultures is the use of native copper fashioned into large, heavy implements that include woodworking, hunting, fishing and food-processing tool forms. Whether their users perceived the copper tools as principally prestige or practical objects is unknown. This paper will utilize replication and experimentation in an attempt to resolve this archaeological puzzle. By determining the differences in the costs of copper tools versus stone equivalents in the areas of resource procurement, manufacturing, use and resharpening/reuse as compared to the relative benefits in terms of time and energy (efficiency), it will be possible to shed some light on whether the copper tools were used in a practical or prestige sphere. This experiment will also generate information concerning optimal parameters of efficient tool use.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Riddle</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jenneth Curtis</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pierre M. Desrossiers</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ramah Chert: A Lithic Odyssey</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">115-117</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Snow D.R.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Renewed Excavation at an Archaic Site in Central Maine</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1969</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">New excavations were undertaken at the Hathaway site, Passadumkeag, Maine, in the summer, of 1968. The site had been excavated twice before (by Moorehead in 1912 and by Hadlock and Stern in 1947), but nevertheless it was regarded as being potentially most useful for the renewed investigation of the Archaic Stage in Maine generally and the Moorehead Cemetery Complex in particular. A total of four burial types were discovered, only one of which was previously known at this site. One new example was a large pit containing the remains of an extended burial. Another was a partial cremation in which about half the original skeletal material was unexpectedly preserved. An adjacent and coeval habitation site was also located. Artifacts from previous excavations have been assembled, thus making possible the first comprehensive report of an Archaic Stage cemetery in northern New England and the Maritimes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">DAWSON, Peter C.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A. Kate Peach</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Re-defining the Northern Limits of the Devils Lake-Sourisford Burial Complex: New Evidence from The Pas, Manitoba</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Devils Lake-Sourisford Burial Complex is associated with nomadic Siouxian peoples of the Northeastern Plains who, between AD 900 and 1400, moved seasonally between the Plains and Aspen Parkland in pursuit of bison. Devils Lake-Sourisford peoples were heavily influenced by cultural developments of the Mississippian Climax. Small ceramic mortuary vessels decorated with spiral incisions and socio-religious motifs are considered by Syms (1979) to be a characteristic of this complex. The geographical distribution of the Devils Lake-Sourisford Burial Complex is concentrated near Devils Lake, North Dakota and the Sourisford locality of Southwestern Manitoba. However, recent archaeological survey work on the Saskatchewan river near The Pas, Manitoba, revealed the presence of Devils Lake-Sourisford spiral-incised pottery. This paper outlines the results of the 1999 survey, and discusses the significance of this occurrence for re-defining the northern limits of the Devils Lake-Sourisford Burial Complex in Manitoba.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">DAWSON, Peter C.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard M. Levy</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles Arnold</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reconstructing Traditional Inuit House Forms Using 3D Interactive Computer Modeling</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Virtual heritage environments provide researchers and the general public with a unique tool for exploring archaeological data in a dynamic and interactive fashion. This paper outlines recent attempts by the authors to construct a prototype 3D interactive computer model of an Inuvialuit sod house from the outer Mackenzie Delta area, using archaeological, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic data. Such computer models have the potential to provide significant insights into the design principles used in traditional Inuit architecture. They can also be integrated with 3D scans of cultural artifacts and other recorded media to create an interactive virtual heritage environment. In addition to providing an armature for collecting oral histories and traditional knowledge, these web-based virtual environments allow members of the general public to experience cultural sites in inaccessible areas like the Canadian arctic. This paper will focus on how the computer model was constructed, and presents examples of how it might be used both as a research and educational tool.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Deal</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recherche en paléoethnobotanique à Port au Choix</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Deal</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Re-thinking Land and Resource Use in the Maritime Provinces for the Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric Periods</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological information on aboriginal resource use and transportation routes for the late prehistoric and early contact periods in the Maritime Provinces is used to re-assess current settlement and subsistence models. Emphasis is placed on the distribution of key resources, including flora, fauna, lithics, clay, and copper. The effects of variable access to specific resources on settlement and subsistence strategies is considered, and a more flexible and dynamic model is presented for the region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carrie Dennett</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marc G. Blainey</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reflecting on the Looking Glass: An Exploration of Ancient Maya Mirrors beyond the Southeast Periphery</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Maya iron ore &#039;mirrors&#039; are known from both primary archaeological contexts and their iconographic representation on various artistic media, especially ceramics, in the Late Classic and Postclassic periods. It is generally accepted that these mirrors served as elite status items; typically the personal effects of Maya lords and nobles. Several hypotheses are introduced and examined in an effort to understand why these symbolically-charged elite status items occur in regions beyond the Maya southeast periphery. Exploratory frameworks focus on diachronically shifting socio-political power structure(s) and socioeconomic restructuring as potential explanations for the occurrence of Maya mirror in Lower Central America.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dickinson, Pam</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brent Suttie</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sandy Glidden-Hachey</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alyson Mercer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Résumé des études et des recherches en géoarchéologie à l&#039;Université du Nouveau-Brunswick</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dionne, Marie-Michelle</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Raw Material and Stone Tool Management in the Context of a Middle Dorset Hunting Camp : A Study of Technological Activities and Cultural Choices</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">We already know that different environmental or socio-economic constraints as well as the very nature of the raw materials exploited, exert various influences on the composition of Palaeoeskimo lithic assemblages. However, what effects might responses to these constraints have had on the manufacturing and use of these tools? An analysis,using this perspective, of a Middle Dorset lithic assemblage will aim to examine the role that these constraints and the cultural choices played as far as raw material management and stone tools, especially their production and use. These kinds of interpretations are made possible through technological and use wear analysis.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Warrick</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert D. Drennan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">C. Adam Berrey</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christian E. Peterson</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Regional Settlement Demography in Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">304-306</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dumais, Pierre</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean Poirier</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gilles Rousseau</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recherches récentes sur la préhistoire du Témiscouata, Sud-Est du Québec</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cette communication présente les premiers résultats d&#039;un projet de recherche entrepris en 1989 sur la préhistoire de la région du Témiscouata, dans le Sud-Est du Québec. Les objectifs de ce projet étaient de plusieurs ordres. Nous voulions premiérement définir de façon satisfaisante notre objet de recherche, effectuer un survol des connaissances sur la préhistoire régionale (Bas-Saint-Laurent, Nord de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, Maritimes), faire une révision critique des études prédictives en archéologie et, principalement, appliquer un nouveau cadre théorique et méthodologique à la problématique des relations entre la culture et l&#039;espace. En aval de la recherche, des reconnaissances ponctuelles sur le terrain devaient être effectuées afin de vérifier certaines de nos hypothéses. La présente communication met principalement l&#039;accent sur la démarche utilisée dans notre étude prédictive et fait part de la découverte d&#039;un site préhistorique inédit datant vraisemblablement de la fin du Pleistocéne ou du début de l&#039;Holocéne.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian Dyck</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laureen Marie Bryant</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Reanalysis of the Long Creek Site: 45 Years after the Excavation</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">145-148</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian Dyck</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Retrospective: Canadian Prairies Archaeology, 1857–1886: Exploration and Self Development</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-039</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Systematic archaeology is generally said to have begun in the Canadian prairies during the late 1930s. Manitoba, however, experienced a much earlier beginning which is now little known and sometimes held up to scorn. Launched as part of government-sponsored explorations in 1857, archaeological development accelerated after 1879 under the auspices of the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba. The Society undertook an ambitious program which broached the most significant questions of the day&amp;mdash;about the content, distribution and origin of burial mounds. Within less than a decade, they had carried out excavations and surveys from northwestern Ontario to southeastern Saskatchewan while describing their results in local, national, and international publications, and establishing a public museum for their collections. Initially, their work received strong public and political support, but support waned following the second Riel Rebellion.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;On dit généralement que l&amp;#39;archéologie systématique a commencé à être pratiquée dans les Prairies canadiennes à la fin des années 1930. Le Manitoba a cependant connu des débuts beaucoup plus hâtifs, qui sont maintenant peu connus et parfois dédaignés. Lancée dans le cadre d&amp;#39;explorations financées par l&amp;#39;état en 1857, l&amp;#39;archéologie a connu un développement accéléré après 1879, sous les auspices de la Société Historique et Scientifique du Manitoba. Celle-ci a entrepris un ambitieux programme abordant les questions les plus importantes de l&amp;#39;époque&amp;mdash;le contenu, la distribution et l&amp;#39;origine des tertres funéraires. En moins de dix ans, elle a effectué des fouilles et des relevés du nord-ouest de l&amp;#39;Ontario au sud-est de la Saskatchewan, tout en décrivant leurs résultats dans des publications locales, nationales et étrangères, et en créant un musée public pour ses collections. Au début, son travail a bénéficié d&amp;#39;un appui public et politique solide, qui a toutefois décliné à la suite de la seconde Rébellion de Riel.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Erwin, John</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Revisiting Fleur de Lys 1, a Dorset Soapstone Quarry in Newfoundland</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The soapstone quarry in Fleur de Lys, Newfoundland has been the subject of archaeological interest for almost a century. While initially believed to be Beothuk in origin, Diamond Jenness suggested in his synthesis &#039;The Indians of Canada&#039; (1932), that the numerous carvings along the exposed soapstone outcrops might be attributable to his newly discovered Cape Dorset culture. Although many researchers have commented upon the significance of the quarry, little archaeological evidence had ever been cited to support claims concerning the nature, use and importance of this site until the 1980s. Despite the lack of any major excavation, the quarry&#039;s significance went unquestioned throughout most of this time due to the fact that it was the only known Dorset soapstone quarry of its kind. A full scale excavation in 1997/98 and ongoing analyses have: (1) shown that the extent and complexity of the quarry deposits exceed all previous descriptions; (2) defined the Dorset quarrying tool kit by way of a four stage reduction model; and (3) demonstrated that soapstone vessels were finished at the quarry site. This research also has implications for defining a north eastern variant of Dorset culture on the island of Newfoundland.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ESDALE, Julie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent excavations from the Nimiuktuk valley, Brooks Range, Alaska: using GIS spatial analysis to discriminate between assemblages in near-surface sit</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent excavations at the Nim-5 and Nim-11 archaeological sites in the Nimiuktuk River valley of the Brooks Range, northwest Alaska, have produced a variety of artifact styles dating to roughly 4,000-7,000 B.P. Formal artifacts include side-notched projectile points, lanceolate-shaped bifacial points, wedge-shaped microblade cores, and wide, oval-platformed microblade cores. These technologically diverse artifacts, although functionally similar, appear to occur in spatially associated contexts and potentially result from the same occupation. Discrete assemblages are difficult to discern at these sites, however, because artifacts clusters on or near the ground surface might also result from different activities or episodes of site occupation. Spatial analysis using GIS technology has been useful for distinguishing assemblages at the sites where components are not stratigraphically separated.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gloria J. Fedirchuk</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Response to David Morrison&#039;s &quot;Fedirchuk on Julian Technology&quot; in a Reassessment of the Julian Complex, Fisherman Lake, N.W.T.</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1985</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">9</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">081-083</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Morrison&amp;#39;s conclusions regarding the Julian Technology are questioned. Although he refutes the distinctiveness, coherence, and uniqueness of the Julian Technology, his interpretations of the assemblage indicate that the artifacts exhibit the same qualities which he denies it has.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">En question sont les conclusions de Morrison en ce qui concerne la technologie Julian. Quoiqu&#039;il refute la distinction, la cohérence et l&#039;unique qualité de la technologie Julian, ses interprétations de l&#039;assemblage indiquent que les données possèdent les mêmes qualités qu&#039;il dénis.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">FEDJE, D.W.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">H. JOSENHANS</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Remote imagery of deeply drowned early post-glacial alluvial landscapes</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Based on global sea level history we can, in general terms, delineate the broad areas of the BC continental shelf that would have been subaerially exposed 12,000 to 13,000 years ago. Specific regional differences can be anticipated primarily due to isostatic factors but, at least on the outer coast, these will include forebulge effects which will tend to augment subaerial exposure. We now have a sea-level curve that details the last 12,000-plus years history of relative sea-level change in western Hecate Strait. Using this curve and existing bathymetric data we can reconstruct the regional landscape at 12,000 to 13,000 BP. From this we can see that the environment of eastern Haida Gwaii was very different to that of today. Most recently, imaging early post-glacial landscapes in parts of western Hecate Strait has progressed to the point where a variety of terrestrial landforms, now deeply drowned, can be resolved and positioned to the sub-metre level. Swath bathymetric imagery in southern Juan Perez Sound provides landscape detail superior to the air photo coverage of adjacent Moresby Island. We can predict potential locations of archaeological sites on this landscape, however, the challenge is to overcome the logistics of sampling at ocean depths of 100 to 140 metres.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fenton, James P</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Sanger</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent Excavations at Gilman Falls (74-106): A Middle Archaic Occupation (ca 7000 B.P.) in Central Maine</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents a preliminary analysis of a Middle Archaic assemblage recovered from buried cultural contexts at the Gilman Falls site (74-106) in Maine. Three seasons of excavation have resulted in the recovery of a large assemblage of lithic tools, from cultural contexts at 60 to 150 cm below current ground surface. A small faunal and floral assemblage was also recovered. This paper describes the site, the fluvial deposits that contributed to the burial of cultural occupations, and presents a summary of the lithic assemblage. Radiocarbon assays yielded dates around 7000 B.P., and provide a preliminary evaluation of cultural chronology in this area of the Northeastern United States. A new pollen diagram, recently completed in conjunction with this project, offers an opportunity to examine the changing environment of post-glacial Maine and Middle Archaic cultural adaptations to it.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Finch, David M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent Recoveries of Human Remains from Northern Manitoba</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Since 1990, the skeletal remains of approximately100 First Nations individuals have been recovered from the Churchill River Diversion area in northern Manitoba, representing a range of cultural phases over the preceding 6500 years. The majority of these were the result of archaeological mitigations conducted by the Province of Manitoba (Historic Resources Branch) consequent to hydroelectric flooding, with analysis conducted in conjunction with The Manitoba Museum, the University of Winnipeg and the University of Manitoba. This paper will outline the physical anthropology of some of the individuals in question, and examine patterns among mortuary practice particularly in regards to Historic burials.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">FINLEY, Scott</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dale HOOD</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">RE-EVALUATING THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SOME CANOE ROUTES</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Assessment of linear corridors can provide researchers with new perspectives and opportunities, especially if the approach includes the integration of multi-disciplinary data. This was found to be the case during an Environmental Impact Assessment of a 125 km-long Trans-Canada Highway corridor through southern New Brunswick. Research and collation of cultural and bio-physical data have resulted in a new interpretation of the association between several archaeological sites and the Washademoak-Petitcodiac canoe route. This paper presents data that point to nearly 4,000 years of route utilization. Cow Point, at the western end of Grand Lake area, is not an anomalous burial site along a pre-contact backwater. The paper presents the hypothesis that Cow Point is at a highly productive hub or confluence of pre-contact travel routes. Data supporting that contention are provided.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">FOWLER, Kent</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ritual Use of Pottery in an Early Southern African Farming Community: Data Versus Speculation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The spatial distribution and association of artifacts and features provides a basic form of evidence for identifying patterns of artifact use. Archaeologists working on southern African Early Iron Age (250-1100 AD) societies commonly assign unusual objects ritual functions and attribute the discard patterns of certain objects to ritual activity. Rarely are these objects integrated into discussions of broader patterns of production, use and disposal at sites. Thus, alternative explanations of their function and disposal have been overlooked. A spatial analysis of ceramic data from the site of Ndondondwane in South Africa is presented to examine these hypotheses. Results indicate that the use and discard of ritual objects may be attributed to factors other than ritual ones, and that ceramic sculpture may be better interpreted within the sociocultural context of iron smelting. Based on these new data, models of continuity and change in the later prehistory of southern Africa are reexamined.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">FRIESEN, Nathan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Regional Analysis of the Archaeology of Grasslands National Park using GIS / Analyse régionale, à l&#039;aide d&#039;un SIG, de l&#039;a</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Grasslands National Park lies along the U.S. border in south western Saskatchewan. In keeping with federal policy on national parks, the park was surveyed to provide an inventory of the park&#039;s cultural resources. As a result, over 3000 sites were located and recorded. Patterns of archaeological site location were analyzed using Geographic Information Systems (GIS), and the results will be presented in this paper.GIS was used to compare the location of archaeological sites with various themes in the environment, such as site distance from water, and site location on different classes of slope, aspect, and elevation. Models of important food plant areas, as well as preferred bison and antelope habitats were developed; and these were added to the themes compared to site locations. GIS was also used to look at the geological processes in the park, and how these have potentially affected site visibility.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">T. Max Friesen</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James M. Savelle</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thomas G. SMITH</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Refinement and Application of Beluga Whale Mandible Ageing Techniques</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">One of the principal methods currently used to investigate prehistoric hunting techniques involves the construction of mortality profiles based on growth layers in the teeth of hunted animals. However, archaeologists have paid much attention to the fact that in addition to teeth, the bones of some vertebrate taxa also contain annual growth layers. Research reported here builds on earlier published evidence that beluga whale (Delphinapterus leucas) mandibles incorporate regular annual growth layers. For the present study, thin-sections were cut from eight beluga mandibles of known age, in order to determine the most reliable location on the mandible for observation of growth layers. This methodology was then used to establish a mortality profile based on over 50 beluga whale mandibles recovered from Elwin Bay, the site of a large-scale historic whale hunt on Somerset Island, Northwest Territories.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurie Milne</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">George C. Frison</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rancher Archaeologist: A Career in Two Different Worlds</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2015</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">39</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">363-366</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Remnant Oxbow on the Northern Plains</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">5</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">131-136</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chronological data from Oxbow sites within and around the fringes of the northern plains is reviewed, and used to suggest a movement of Oxbow from the plains environment into the parkland and boreal forest fringes. At the same time, other Oxbow groups continued to occupy the plains area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GILBERT, William</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE RUSSELL&#039;S POINT SITE: A PROTOHISTORIC BEOTHUK SITE IN TRINITY BAY</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In August, 1610, Newfoundland&#039;s first official colony was established at Cupers Cove (now Cupids) in Conception Bay under the direction of John Guy. In the autumn of 1612, Guy and 18 other colonists set sail from Cupids into Trinity Bay in an effort to establish friendly relations with the Beothuk Indians. On 26 October, the colonists discovered a Beothuk camp on the shores of a &#039;great fresh water lake&#039; about a mile inland from the bottom of Trinity Bay. The Russell&#039;s Point site is located on the western side of Dildo Pond in the community of Blaketown at the bottom of Trinity Bay. It was discovered in 1988 using information contained in John Guy&#039;s journal of his voyage and is generally believed to be the site visited by him on 26 October, 1612. Excavations were conducted at the site during 1994 and 1995 by the author. The results of these excavations combined with documentary evidence suggest that Russell&#039;s Point was a caribou kill site utilized by the Beothuk during the annual fall migration. Roughly 1,000 artifacts have been recovered to date and a high proportion of these are stone arrowheads typical of the protohistoric period. A small amount of European material has also been recovered, indicating that the Beothuks at Russell&#039;s Point had some contact with either migratory fishermen or colonists. The author will describe the results of the excavations to date and utilize archaeological data and documentary evidence in an attempt to better understand both the Russell&#039;s Point site and the Beothuk occupation of Trinity Bay.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GILL, Alyson A</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Reinterpretation of the Arkteia: Redefining Artemis / Une nouvelle interprétation des choses antiques : redécouvrir Artémis</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The archaeological evidence furnished by excavations at Brauron provides substantial information about the cult of Artemis where young women underwent initiation before marriage, but the nature of the relationship between the cult at Brauron and the stoa of Artemis on the Athenian Akropolis needs to be explored. In 1963 Edmonson proposed that the stoa of Artemis on the Athenian Akropolis replaced the sanctuary at Brauron when it went out of use in the 3rd century B.C. This paper suggests that the Athenian stoa of Artemis was never intended to replace the Brauron cult, instead it functioned as an urban complement to the rural cult. Following the outbreaks of plague in Athens in the 420s, the initiations at Brauron acted as a rite of passage for elite young Athenian women and guaranteed their social standing through marriage among Athenian aristocratic families. I also propose that the stoa of Artemis on the Akropolis never served a specifically ritual function, but instead was used to house votives and lists of dedications from Brauron. Archaeological evidence suggests that the stoa probably predated the Chalkotheke, which functioned in a similar way. This interpretation emphasizes the diverse roles played by buildings on the Akropolis during the Classical period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jason D. Gillespie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rethinking Taxonomy on the Northern Plains: A Comment on Yellowhorn&#039;s &quot;Regarding the American Paleolithic&quot;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">309-313</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;As Yellowhorn points out in his recent paper, the Northern Plains taxonomy suffers from several problems. While I agree that it is time to address these issues, his solution is too extreme and is itself flawed in many ways. Modifying the current taxonomy, rather than substituting an inappropriate Old World taxonomy, would better serve our discipline. It is time to cleanup the Northern Plains taxonomy, but we must do so without throwing out the baby with the bathwater.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Comme Yellowhorn le fait remarquer dans un article récent, la taxonomie des plaines nordiques a de nombreux problèmes. Tandis qu&amp;#39;il est bien temps d&amp;#39;adresser ces questions, je crois que sa solution est trop extrême, et qu&amp;#39;elle aussi est défectueuse sur plusieurs point. Une modification de la taxonomie actuelle, plutôt que sa substitution entière avec celle de l&amp;#39;Ancien Monde, mieux servirait notre discipline. On doit être capable de réparer les défauts de la taxonomie des plaines nordiques sans en perdre ses avantages.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gordon, Bryan C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reindeer Herd Following in Northeast European Russia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Bolshoi or Big Tundra is bordered west by the White Sea, north by the Kara Sea, east by the northern Urals and south by the east-west flowing lower Pechora River. Here, biologists have mapped four reindeer migration routes leading to one calving ground on the White and three on the Kara Sea. The Kara Sea calving grounds are on the Ugor Peninsula, a low Ural extension leading to Novaya Zemlya. Its two eastern calving grounds and migration routes are of archaeological interest because of dozens of archaeological sites and their proximity to the Vorkuta airport and railhead. Both routes run north from the Pechora, the western route following the Rogobaya River upstream where it crosses to the headwaters of the Korotaika. Partly descending the Korotaika it crosses to a tributary of the Kara River which enters Baidaratskaya Bay of the Kara Sea. The eastern route parallels the Usa Valley and crosses to another Kara tributary. The archaeological sites have many Neolithic, Mesolithic and Bronze Age tools, plus artifacts of the current Nentsy Samoyed reindeer herders who have lived here for a thousand years. In the summer of 1994 the tool and art styles and trade goods of the Nensty and their predecessors will be compared to quantify the type and amount of past human contact between the western and eastern routes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diana Lynn Gordon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reflections on Refuse: A Contemporary Example from James Bay, Quebec</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1980</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">083-097</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;An Eastern Cree winter camp in James Bay, Quebec provides a contemporary example of the treatment and disposal of faunal bone. In the field observations and identifications are compared to recent native harvesting studies and ethnographic accounts of two similar hunting groups. In light of Eastern Cree religious concepts, it can be seen that the spatial distribution of the animal remains reflects a symbolic pattern of disposal.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nous avons étudié l&#039;altération et la déposition du matériel faunique dans un camp d&#039;hiver des Cris de l&#039;Est, à la Baie James. Les observations et les identifications de terrain sont alors comparées aux résultats d&#039;études de collecte et aux relevés ethnographiques de deux groupes de chasse semblables. Il semble que, à la lumière des concepts religieux des Cris de l&#039;Est, l&#039;on puisse interpréter la distribution des restes fauniques comme le reflet de normes symboliques.</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gordon, B.C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reindeer/Caribou Exploitation–A Comparison of Two Water Crossings</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reindeer or caribou are and were the most important resource base for the majority of northern hunting societies. A comparison is made between prehistoric and ethnohistoric water crossings belonging to the Barrenland Chipewyan. Herd accumulation, harvesting, and dispersal are discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diana Lynn Gordon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rocks, Water and a Dog: Structural Variation between the Witch Point Site (CgRa-7) and the Three Pines Site (CgHa-6), Lake Temagami</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Excavations in 1993 at the Witch Point Site revealed structural and ceremonial features not previously encountered by the author on other Lake Temagami sites. The prehistoric inhabitants in the Archaic, Middle Woodland and late Woodland periods spent considerable effort in collecting and transporting beach cobbles onto the 4 in high esker top. The cumulative effect is a rock pavement in a sandy substrate. Sweat baths, roasting pits, hearths and lithic raw material caches are among the likely functions for these rock structures. In the unusually thick, organic enriched Ah horizon, Late Woodland pottery (Huron Incised style) dominates, compared to the predominantly Middle Woodland components at Three Pines Site which is located on a low sand terrace on the opposite lake shore. Of particular note at Witch Point, is the occurrence of red ochre nodules, red ochre paste pottery, clear quartz crystals and a dog burial, which all suggest ritual and ceremonial activities. This paper examines variation in site structure, settlement features and stratigraphic sequence between the Witch Point Site and the Three Pines Site. It considers several explanations for these major differences based on seasonality, changing lake levels, technological change and social factors influencing variation in site usage and function over time.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gron, Ole</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ritualisation of Space in Hunter-Gatherer Settlements and Its Consequences For Archaeological Interpretations</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An important factor in the analysis of Mesolithic settlement organisation is the appearance of repeated and characteristic distribution patterns in the small objects. Such patterns are often easier to distinguish than to interpret in terms of cultural behaviour. Meanwhile the interpretation is essential if the analysis shall lead to more meaningful results than a categorisation of sites based on morphological elements. The paper presents the results of the Ethnoarchaeological investigations Oleg Kuznetsov and I have carried out among the Evenkian reindeer-hunters of the Northern Transbaikal, Siberia, who still live in accordance with their old religion. The Evenks are forest hunters. The focus is on site-formation with an important point being the understanding of the processes that lead to the formation of repeated patterns on the settlements. The investigations are carried out as a combination of interviews and excavations of recent settlements, so that the information obtained in the interviews can be checked by field observations and vice versa. We have obtained information on dwelling and settlement organisation, cleaning and maintenance of the sites, handling of different categories of waste, difference between sites from different seasons etc. One preliminary conclusion is that cleaning, ritual behaviour and cosmos concepts have a strong impact on the deposition of items on the sites. Another is that small objects found inside the Evenkian dwellings seem to have been exposed to minimal intentional redepositioning and therefore may be used to distinguish regular activity areas.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian Hayden</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rolf Mathewes</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Rise and Fall of Complex Large Villages on the British Columbian Plateau: A Geoarchaeological Controversy</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">281-296</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In a series of publications, Prentiss et al. (2003, 2005, 2007, 2008) have argued for a very late, abrupt, and brief emergence of large villages and large corporate residences in the mid-Fraser region of British Columbia (&amp;nbsp;1600&amp;ndash;800  cal  B.P.) and an even later abrupt emergence of socioeconomic complexity (&amp;nbsp;1200&amp;ndash;800  cal  B.P.). They postulate that climatic changes were responsible for both of these events as well as the collapse of the large villages. We question their interpretations on several grounds including: inappropriate methods for dating these developments; data from Keatley Creek indicating a longer developmental trajectory; incomplete interpretation of paleoclimate trends for the region; and internal contradictions in their own climate-driven explanations for changes. The combined evidence of geochronology and paleoecology (some not previously considered) together with archaeological evidence favors an interpretation of earlier emergence of large villages and socioeconomic complexity than suggested by Prentiss et al. (2003, 2005, 2007, 2008).&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Dans une série d&amp;rsquo;articles, Prentiss et al. (2003, 2005, 2007, 2008) ont proposé que les grands villages et les grandes résidences de la partie centrale du fleuve Fraser (en Colombie Britannique) se sont formés assez tardivement dans la préhistoire (c. 1600&amp;ndash;800 cal B.P.) et n&amp;rsquo;ont duré que quelques siècles. Selon eux l&amp;rsquo;inégalité socioéconomique s&amp;rsquo;est développée encore plus tard (c. 1200&amp;ndash;800 cal B.P.). Prentiss et al. suggèrent que les changements climatiques seraient à l&amp;rsquo;origine de ces événements ainsi que de la disparition des grands villages. Nous doutons de leurs conclusions sur plusieurs plans: des méthodes inappropriées pour déterminer la date de ces événements; des données provenant du site Keatley Creek qui indiquent un développement de plus longue durée; des interprétations paléoclimatiques qui sont incomplètes; et des contradictions au sein de leurs explications climatiques pour les changements culturels. Les preuves géochronologiques et paléoécologiques (comprenant des données jamais considérées auparavant) combinées aux preuves archéologiques favorisent l&amp;rsquo;interprétation du développement des grands villages et témoignent d&amp;rsquo;une complexité socioéconomique bien antérieure à celle envisagée par Prentiss et al. (2003, 2005, 2007, 2008).&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Philip M. Hobler</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Relationship of Archaeological Sites to Sea Levels on Moresby Island, Queen Charlotte Islands</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1978</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-013</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Archaelogical data reported here are from a general archaeological survey of Moresby Island in the Queen Charlotte Islands of British Columbia conducted by the author in 1974 and 1975. Some 20% of the 99 sites recorded relate to sea levels either higher or lower than those of the present. Lithic assemblages from lower sea level sites are distinct from those from higher sites and both differ from surface materials that have come from sites that are close to the modern sea levels. Of these, the intertidal sites may be the oldest. They are characterized by the lack of points or other bifaces and by the presence of large andesite flakes and cores worked in a mannet resembling the Levallois technique of the Old World.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;En 1974 et 1975, l&amp;#39;auteur a mené une reconnaissance archéologique générale sur l&amp;#39;&amp;lsquo;le Moresby, dans l&amp;#39;archipel de la Reine Charlotte en Colombie-Britannique. Les données présentées dans cet article sont tirées de cette expérience. Vingt pourcent des 99 sites localisés sont reliés à des niveaux de la mer supérieurs ou inférieurs aux niveaux actuels et les assemblages lithiques de ces niveaux inférieurs sont différents de ceux des niveaux supérieurs alors que ces deux groupes d&amp;#39;assemblages diffèrent aussi des collections de surface provenant de sites localisés à une altitude se raprochant des niveaux actuels de la mer. Parmi ces derniers, les sites localisés entre les hauts et les bas niveaux des marées peuvent être les plus anciens. Ils sont caractérisés, d&amp;#39;une part, par l&amp;#39;absence de pointes ou de bifaces et, d&amp;#39;autre part, par la présence de grands éclats d&amp;#39;andésite et de pièces travaillées selon une technique ressemblant à la technique Levallois de l&amp;#39;Ancien Monde.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan M. Jamieson</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Warrick</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reconstructing Ontario Iroquoian Village Organization</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1986</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">10</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">199-207</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan M. Jamieson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Regional Interaction and Ontario Iroquois Evolution</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">070-088</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Recent studies have argued that northern &amp;#39;Iroquoianization&amp;#39; can be explained as a consequence of interregional interaction. This has been expressed by a west to east time-transgressive Cahokia as centre-Iroquoia as margins-linked model. The explanation is discussed with reference to archaeological data from Ontario, Canada. Homologous trait distributions indicate that although the model may offer general insight into northern Iroquois development, it does not adequately summarize the patterns of intersocietal contact which are believed to have promoted the &amp;#39;Iroquoianization&amp;#39; of Ontario populations. These are explicated by an interregional interaction model that interprets Northeastern culture processes in light of generalized coevolutionary developments occurring after ca. A..D. 900 throughout the eastern half of the North American continent.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Récemment, les archéologues ont proposé que l&amp;#39;évolution des Iroquoiens du Nord-Est pouvait s&amp;#39;expliquer comme étant une conséquence des interactions inter-régionales. Ce processus s&amp;#39;appuie sur un modèle diachronique de l&amp;#39;ouest vers l&amp;#39;est avec au centre le site de Cahokia et en périphérie l&amp;#39;Iroquoisie. Les données archéologiques de l&amp;#39;Ontario au Canada seront utilisées pour discuter cette hypothèse. La distribution de traits culturels équivalents indique, même si le modèle offre la possibilité de percevoir de façon générale le développement des Iroquoiens, qu&amp;#39;elle n&amp;#39;est pas suffisante pour expliquer adéquatement les mécanismes d&amp;#39;interactions entre les différentes sociétés. Ces mécanismes sont perçus comme les facteurs ayant favorisé le développement de l&amp;#39;Iroquoisie. Ils peuvent se comprendre par un modèle sur les interactions inter-régionales qui interprète les processus des cultures du Nord-Est dans une généralisation des développements co-évolutifs qui se produiront après l&amp;#39;an 900 après J.-C. dans tout l&amp;#39;Est de l&amp;#39;Amérique du Nord.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert R. Janes</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Timothy C. Losey</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent discoveries in fur trade archaeology of upper and central Mackenzie River regions</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1974</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">6</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">092-120</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jason Jeandron</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jay K. Johnson</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Remote Sensing in Archaeology: An Explicitly North American Perspective</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">264-266</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alice B. Kehoe</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Retrospective: My Life in Prairie Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2010</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">34</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">131-147</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jane H. Kelley</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Retrospective: Presentism? Balderdash</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">186-193</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James D. Keyser</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Reply to Byrne</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">5</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">175-177</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James D. Keyser</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David A. Kaiser</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jack W. Brink</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Red is the Colour of Blood: Polychrome Rock Art at Rattlesnake Cave, Alberta, Canada</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">027-075</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Rattlesnake Cave (DgOw-20) is a small rockshelter located within Rocky Coulee just outside the west boundary of Writing-on-Stone Provincial Park in south-central Alberta. Approximately 40 faint pictographs are found inside the shelter, all drawn in black but a few also showing traces of red pigment. Close examination of the pictographs using colour enhancement indicates that the red was used to show blood from wounds to humans and horses as well as bloody tracks marking the travel of these wounded individuals. This is the first report from a Great Plains rock art site of the use of the colour red to show blood on black drawings. Humans, animals and material culture are described, and 9 narrative compositions&amp;mdash;primarily involving combat and horse stealing&amp;mdash;are proposed to account for the action depicted at DgOw-20. Rock art at DgOw-20 dates to the Post-contact Period and quite certainly is of Blackfoot origin. Rocky Coulee is interpreted as a focal point in the region for the creation of Biographic style rock art, while the nearby site of DgOv-2 is interpreted as the focus of Ceremonial art.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La grotte de Rattlesnake (DgOw-20) est un petit abri rocheux situé dans la Rocky Coulee, juste à l’extérieur de la limite ouest du parc provincial de Writing-on-Stone, au centre-sud de l’Alberta. On trouve, dans cet abri, près de 40 pictogrammes pâlis, à demi-effacés ; ils sont tous tracés en noir, mais quelques-uns montrent également des traces de pigment rouge. Au moyen d’une technique d’optimisation des couleurs, un examen approfondi révèle que le rouge était utilisé pour décrire le sang des blessures des êtres humains et des chevaux, aussi bien que les traînées sanglantes montrant le déplacement effectué par ces individus blessés. On pense qu’il s’agit là du premier exemple de l’usage de la couleur rouge dans les Grandes Plaines pour figurer le sang sur des dessins au trait noir. Ces derniers représentent des êtres humains, des animaux et des éléments de culture matérielle, et nous proposons neuf compositions narratives – portant essentiellement sur des combats et des vols de chevaux – pour rendre compte des actions décrites sur le site DgOw-20. Le site de Rocky Coulee peut être considéré comme un point focal dans la région pour la création d’un art rupestre de style biographique, tandis que le site voisin DgOv-2 peut être considéré comme l’épicentre de l’art rituel.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth E. Kidd</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard B. Johnston (1930-1987)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1987</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">11</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">181-187</style></pages></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael A. Klassen</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">G. Rajnovich</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reading Rock Art: Interpreting the Indian Rock Paintings of the Canadian Shield</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">20</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">144-147</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew P. Roddick</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stephen Leach</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Russian Perspective on Theoretical Archaeology: The Life and Work of Leo S. Klejn</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">360–363</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ellen Lee</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John H. Jameson Jr.</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Reconstructed Past: Reconstructions in the Public Interpretation of Archaeology and History</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">383-386</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Duncan McLaren</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Martindale</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daryl Fedje</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Quentin Mackie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Relict Shorelines and Shell Middens of the Dundas Island Archipelago</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2011</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">35</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">086-116</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Dundas Island Archipelago of north coastal British Columbia lies close to a sea level &amp;ldquo;hinge&amp;rdquo; between two regions with very different sea level histories during the Pleistocene/Holocene transition: as much as a 200 m vertical shoreline regression to the east and a 150 m vertical shoreline transgression to the west. Based on diatom identifications from lake-basin cores, combined with supporting relative sea level indicators, we developed a sea level curve for the Dundas Islands which shows a slow regression of shorelines from +13 m down to modern levels over the last 12,000 years. This sea level history was used to aid survey for archaeological sites dating to the pre-5000 B.P. period. Test excavation and sampling of these sites showed occupation along the regressive shoreline beginning as early as 9690 B.P. The elevations, stratigraphy, and radiocarbon ages of the archaeological materials are consistent with the relative sea level curve based on palaeo-environmental data points. This research methodology has yielded the first early Holocene archaeological data from Coast Tsimshian territory with potential to push the archaeological record back into the Pleistocene epoch.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L’archipel des îles Dundas, sur la côte nord de la Colombie-Britannique, est situé à proximité d’une « zone charnière » entre deux régions ayant eu une histoire très différente en ce qui concerne le niveau de la mer durant la transition entre le Pléistocène et l’Holocène : jusqu’à 200 mètres de régression marine verticale à l’est et 150 mètres de transgression verticale à l’ouest. En se basant sur les identifications des diatomées ramassées par carottage de lacs, combinées à des indices relatifs des niveaux de la mer, nous avons élaboré une courbe du niveau de la mer pour les îles Dundas qui montre une lente régression jusqu’à l’époque moderne, de plus de treize mètres, des lignes de rivage au cours des 12,000 dernières années. Cette histoire du niveau de la mer a permis de dater des sondages de sites archéologiques remontant au-delà de 5000 ans avant le présent. Des sondages et des échantillonnages de ces sites ont montré des occupations le long du rivage en régression depuis une période aussi ancienne que 9690 avant le présent. Les élévations, stratigraphies et datations radiocarbones des matériaux archéologiques concordent avec la courbe du niveau de la mer basée sur des points de référence paléo-environnementaux. Cette méthodologie de recherche a procuré des données archéologiques correspondant au début de l’Holocène pour le territoire côtier Tsimshian, ce qui pourra potentiellement permettre à l’archéologie de remonter jusqu’à l’époque du Pléistocène.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerry Melbye</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent Advances in Biochemical Analysis of Human Skeletons: The Collection and Presentation of Samples</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1984</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">127-133</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;There is a rapidly expanding technology in the biochemical analysis of human bone tissue. Especially, new techniques in trace element analysis and stable isotope analysis are providing the archaeologist direct evidence of palaeonutrition. The collection and preservation of bony tissue, however, is far from uniform, and the widespread practice of human skeletal re-burial has added new urgency to the problem. An outline is proposed for the collection of samples for future analysis.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L&#039;analyse biochimique des tissus osseux humains connaît actuellement un essor rapide au niveau des différentes techniques employées. Notamment, les techniques d&#039;analyse des éléments traces et des isotopes stables de carbone, fournissent à l&#039;archéologue des évidences directes concernant la paléonutrition des populations préhistoriques. Les méthodes de collecte et de conservation des tissus osseux sont cependant loin d&#039;être uniformes et la pratique, maintenant largement répandue, de ré-enterrer les restes osseux humains, ajoute à l&#039;urgence de remédier à ce problème du manque d&#039;uniformité. Dans cet article l&#039;auteur propose une méthode de collecte des échantillons osseux en prévision d&#039;analyses futures.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chelsea H. Meloche</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laure Spake</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Katherine L. Nichols</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Elizabeth Weiss</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James W. Springer</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Repatriation and Erasing the Past</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">093-097</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Meyer</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peggy McKeand</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">J. Michael Quigg</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Wowchuk</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The River House Complex: Middle Woodland on the Northwestern Periphery</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43-76</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Excavations at three sites in east central Saskatchewan have produced Middle Woodland assemblages that have been employed to describe the River House complex. Surface collections and smaller scale excavations in eastern Saskatchewan, as well as surface collections from the Swan River region of adjacent Manitoba, provide evidence that this complex is present in a broad region straddling the inter-provincial border. The associated pottery was sometimes decorated with punctates and/or bosses, or with complex motifs of cord-wrapped stick impressions. With this pottery are side-notched and triangular arrowheads, bifacial cutting tools, endscrapers and ground stone celts. The excavated faunal remains reflect occupation during open water seasons. Radiocarbon and thermoluminescence dates indicate a time range of ca. AD 800&amp;ndash;1200.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The closest cultural relationships of the River House complex are with late Laurel complexes in the forests of Manitoba, north&amp;shy;western Ontario and adjacent Minnesota. However, there is also evidence for regular interaction with peoples of Avonlea culture.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des fouilles archéologiques pratiquées sur trois sites du centre est de la Saskatchewan ont révélé des assemblages du Sylvicole moyen qui ont été utilisés pour décrire le complexe de River House. Des collections en surface et des fouilles à plus petite échelle dans l&amp;rsquo;est de la Saskatchewan, ainsi que des collections en surface effectuées dans la région de Swan River dans la province voisine du Manitoba, démontrent que ce complexe était présent sur une vaste région chevauchant la frontière entre les deux provinces. La poterie correspondante était parfois décorée de ponctuations ou de bosses extérieures, ou de motifs complexes d&amp;rsquo;empreintes de peigne fileté rigide. En plus des poteries se trouvaient des pointes de flèches triangulaires à encoches latérales, des instruments de découpe bifaciaux, des racloirs et des hachettes en pierre polie. Les débris de faune dégagés signalent que l&amp;rsquo;occupation avait lieu pendant les saisons d&amp;rsquo;eau libre. Les datations au carbone 14 et à la thermoluminescence indiquent un intervalle qui se situe entre 800 et 1200 ans apr. J.-C. Le complexe de River House a entretenu des relations culturelles très étroites avec les complexes du Laurel tardif dans les forêts du Manitoba, le nord-ouest de l&amp;rsquo;Ontario et l&amp;rsquo;État limitrophe du Minnesota. Toutefois, il existe également des preuves d&amp;rsquo;interactions régulières avec les peuples de la culture d&amp;rsquo;Avonlea.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Meyer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reply to Pettipas&#039; Comments</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1986</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">10</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">171-172</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurie A. Milne</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">D’Arcy Clarke Green</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Re-Evaluation of the Oxbow Dam Site (DhMn–1): Middle Holocene Cultural Continuity on the Northern Plains</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">137-140</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard E. Morlan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rodent Bones in Archaeological Sites</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">18</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">135-142</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Morrison</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rebuttal to Fedirchuk, &quot;On Julian Technology&quot;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1985</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">9</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">183-185</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Fedirchuk&amp;#39;s spirited defense of Julian Technology falls far short of the mark. The major question seems to be whether the products of so-called Julian Technology exhibit technological characteristics which consistently distinguish them from &amp;#39;non-Julian&amp;#39; items, regardless of function. No such characteristics have been described. To reclassify these artifacts in categories reflecting different stages of lithic reduction (as I have done) is quite different from accepting them as representing a coherent and distinctive &amp;#39;technology.&amp;#39;&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La vaillante défense de la technologie &#039;Julian&#039; par Fedirchuk, a manqué à sa t’che. La question de base est à savoir si les produits de la technologie &#039;Julian&#039; possèdent des caractéristiques technologiques qui permettent leur séparation, de façon consistante, des produits de technologie &#039;non-Julian&#039;, quelles que soient leurs fonctions. Ces critères n&#039;ont pas encore été décrits. L&#039;insertion de ces outils et produits de débitage dans des catégories qui reflètent différents niveaux de réduction lithique (telle que je l&#039;ai fait) n&#039;est pas du tout accepter qu&#039;ils font partie d&#039;une &#039;technologie&#039; cohérente.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David A. Morrison</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Reassessment of the Julian Complex, Fisherman Lake, N.W.T.</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1984</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">029-056</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The prehistory of the Mackenzie River valley is very poorly known, even in its culture-historical outline. The only prehistoric sequence comes from the Fisherman Lake area, the product of work by Millar, Fedirchuk and MacNeish going back over thirty years. This paper is a critical re-assessment of an important complex within that sequence. The Julian complex, based on lithic assemblages from three sites, is re-interpreted and compared closely with the Taye Lake phase in the southwest Yukon.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La préhistoire de la vallée du Mackenzie est trés obscure, même lorsqu&#039;il s&#039;agit de l&#039;ébauche de son histoire culturelle. La seule séquence préhistorique provient de la région du lac Fisherman, suite à trente ans de travaux de la part de Millar, Fedirchuk et MacNeish. Ce document consiste en une réévaluation critique d&#039;un important complexe de cette séquence. Le complexe Julian, basé sur des collections lithiques provenant de trois gisements, est interprété de nouveau et comparé de prés à la phase Taye Lake du sud-ouest du Yukon.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Shawn G. Morton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ritual Procession and the Creation of Civitas Among the Ancient Maya: A Case Study from Naachtun, Guatemala</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2012</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">36</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">141-165</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Ritual. As in many early civilizations, for the Ancient Maya ritual served as one of the principle mediators between religion and politics, between the State and its people. In this paper I explore these relationships through a discussion of ritual procession and its role in the creation of what the Romans termed civitas (one&amp;rsquo;s communal identity as a citizen of the State). I discuss how public rituals may be invoked to naturalize the socio-political structure of the State (the polis), while paradoxically breaking down status-based conventions of proxemics to foster a broader sense of community (communitas). Finally, I close this paper with a case study drawn from my Master&amp;rsquo;s research at the large Maya civic-ceremonial centre of Naachtun, Guatemala. I make a case for the maintenance of a formalized path through the heart of this monumental site and explore its possible role as a processional route.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rituel. Comme beaucoup de premières civilisations, les Mayas anciens se servaient du rituel comme un des médiateurs principaux entre la religion et la politique, entre l’état et le peuple. Cet article étudiera les liens entre la procession rituelle et son rôle pour créer ce que les Romains appelaient civitas, ou l’identité de l’individu comme membre de l’état. Il considéra aussi comment le rituel public peut soutenir la structure socio-politique de l’état, ou le polis, et comment paradoxalement ces rituels peuvent en même temps encourager un sens plus large de communauté, ou communitas, en brisant les convenances de la proxémie basées sur le prestige. Pour conclure, une étude de cas (qui fait partie de mes recherches de maîtrise au centre cérémonial maya de Naachtun au Guatemala) sera présentée. Cet article suggérera primo, qu’un chemin cérémonieux soit maintenu au coeur de ce site monumental et, secundo, que la possibilité de son premier rôle comme chemin processionel soit exposée.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Grant J. Mullen</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert D. Hoppa</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rogers Ossuary (AgHb–131): An Early Ontario Iroquois Burial Feature From Brantford Township</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">032-047</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Rogers Ossuary (AgHb-131) is a communal burial feature located in south Brantford. The ossuary was excavated ca. 1935 on at least two occasions by, J.C.B Grant of the University of Toronto, and later by Dr. Wilfred Jury of the University of Western Ontario. No known artifacts were recovered from the site. In subsequent years the site lost its identity and its location was forgotten, although the collection retained its integrity. In 1988 archival research and personal interviews led to the rediscovery of the site&amp;#39;s location. An osteological analysis was undertaken, the results of which suggest that Rogers Ossuary was a multiple burial feature of at least 28 individuals. Radiocarbon dating from bone collagen provided invaluable data for the placement of the people within a correct cultural context. Two collagen fraction samples produced C-14 dates of 1110 &amp;plusmn;60 BP placing the Rogers Ossuary material within Wright&amp;#39;s (1966) Early Ontario Iroquois tradition.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;L&amp;#39;ossuaire Rogers (AgHb-131) est une structure d&amp;#39;enterrement communautaire située dans la partie sud de Brantford. L&amp;#39;ossuaire a été fouillé vers 1935 à au moins deux reprises par J.C.B. Grant de l&amp;#39;université de Toronto et, à une date plus récente, par le Dr. Wilfred Jury de l&amp;#39;université de Western Ontario. Aucun artefact a été récupéré sur ce site. Dans les années suivantes, le site a été oublié de même que sa localisation quoique la collection a conservé son intégrité. En 1988, suite à des recherches en archives et à l&amp;#39;aide d&amp;#39;entrevues, le site a été de nouveau localisé. Une analyse ostéologique a permis de reconnaître la présence d&amp;#39;au moins 28 individus dans l&amp;#39;ossuaire Rogers. Des datations à partir du collagène d&amp;#39;ossements ont contribué directement à établir la position culturelle du groupe. Deux datations au carbone 14 ont en effet révélé une même date de 1110 &amp;plusmn;60 BP, ce qui suggèrent une appartenance de l&amp;#39;ossuaire Rogers à la tradition iroquoienne ancienne de l&amp;#39;Ontario telle que définie par J.V.Wright (1966).&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">B.A. Nicholson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Role of Pocket Gophers (Thomomys talpoides) in Restructuring Stratigraphic Relationships at the Lovstrom Site</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2011</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">35</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">323-331</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Taphonomic disturbance is examined at the Lovstrom site, a site containing Vickers Focus and Late Woodland ceramics. In particular, the role of pocket gophers as major taphonomic agents in prairie/parkland sites in southwestern Manitoba is discussed. The magnitude and the nature of disturbance at the Lovstrom site by Pocket Gophers are quantified, together with a brief account of their ecology, social patterning and capabilities as a burrowing species. Materials greater than 7&amp;nbsp;cm in diameter, including bone, cannot be readily moved through the gopher burrows and, though subject to the effects of soil subsidence, essentially remain in their relative positions and provide potentially accurate radiocarbon dates.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nous examinons les perturbations taphonomiques au site Lovstrom, site renfermant des céramiques des peuples des Vickers Focus et du Sylvicole récent. Nous discutons plus particulièrement du rôle des rats à poche (Geomyidae) en tant qu’agents taphonomiques importants dans les sites de la prairie et des zones boisées du sud-est du Manitoba. L’ampleur et la nature des perturbations provoquées par les rats à poche au site Lovstrom sont quantifiées, en même temps que nous présentons brièvement leur fonction écologique et leurs schémas sociaux en tant qu’espèce fouisseuse. Les artefacts de plus de 7 cm de diamètre, y compris les os, ne peuvent pas être aisément déplacés dans les galeries des rats à poche et, bien qu’ils soient soumis aux affaissements du sol, ils conservent généralement leur position relative et les dates radiocarbone qu’ils fournissent sont potentiellement exactes.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Meaghan Peuramaki-Brown</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rural Ceramic Manufacture in Precolumbian Honduras: The Application of Petrographic Analysis to the Study of the Chaînes Opératoires</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2012</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">36</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">166-187</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This study presents a preliminary attempt to examine stages within the chaîne opératoire of Late Classic (650&amp;ndash;900 C.E.) ceramic manufacture at the Precolumbian site of Rancho del Rio, Honduras. Materials recovered from patio, house mound, and midden excavations in a rural setting, including finished vessel sherds and potstands, in addition to briquettes made from local clay sources, are examined through thin section petrography. This attempt to outline technological chains and styles allows the classification and understanding of behaviour and ultimately, cognition, through the identification of the series of units of actions that bring a material from its natural state to a fabricated form.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cette étude présente une tentative préliminaire d’examiner les étapes de la chaîne opératoire dans la fabrication de céramique au site précolombien (650–900 ap. J.-C.) Rancho del Rio, en Honduras. Des tessons de poterie et des supports à vases recouverts dans les fouilles archéologiques d’un patio, d’un monticule domestique, et d’un dépotoir dans un contexte rurale, en plus de briquettes faites à partir de sources locales d’argile, ont été examinés par analyse pétrographique. Cette tentative de décrire les chaînes et les modèles technologiques permet la classification et la compréhension de comportements, et finalement, l’approche cognitive, par l’identification de la série des unités d’actions qui apporte un matériel de son état normal à une forme fabriquée.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan Pfeiffer</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Louis Lesage</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Repatriation of Wendat Ancestors, 2013</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">005-12</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;On September 14, 2013, the human remains from twelve Huron-Wendat ancestral archaeological sites, the skeletons of over 1,700 people, were re-buried at the Thonnakona Ossuary, Kleinburg, Ontario. This achievement followed years of discussion and planning between the Huron-Wendat Nation and the University of Toronto. In Canada, this kind of institutional transfer of authority is necessarily an iterative process. This brief document describes the context of this event, and confirms our shared intention to continue a strong relationship through which we will all learn new things about the ancestors.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Le 14 septembre 2013, les ossements de douze sites ancestraux huron-wendat, soit les squelettes de 1700 personnes, ont été ré-inhumés à l’Ossuaire Thonnakona à Kleinburg, en Ontario. Cet événement était l’aboutissement de plusieurs années de discussions et de planifications entre la Nation huronne-wendat et l’Université de Toronto. Au Canada, ce type de transfert d’autorité institutionnelle est nécessairement un processus itératif. Ce court article décrit le contexte de l’événement et confirme notre intention mutuelle d’entretenir une relation forte grâce à laquelle nous continuerons d’en apprendre davantage sur les ancêtres.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peter G. Ramsden</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pendergast</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Roebuck prehistoric village site rim sherds – an attribute analysis</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1975</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">233-234</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Douglas E. Rutherford</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reconsidering the Middlesex Burial Phase in the Maine-Maritimes Region</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1990</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">169-181</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Middlesex Phase is examined, considering the possible reasons for its appearance in the Maine-Maritimes region. The evidence for diffusion and migration are compared, suggesting the former as a more likely source. Comparison is drawn between Middlesex and the preceding burial tradition in the region. Lastly, the use of the term &amp;#39;Middlesex&amp;#39; is questioned.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Comment expliquer l&amp;#39;apparition des manifestations de la phase Middlesex dans la région du Maine et des Maritimes? Les indices de diffusion et de migration sont évalués et l&amp;#39;examen des données rendent le phénomène de diffusion plus vraisemblable. Des comparaisons sont faites entre les manifestations funéraires Middlesex et celles qui précèdent cette période. Le concept &amp;#39;Middlesex&amp;#39; est alors critiqué.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Howard Savage</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Range extensions of vertebrate faunal species by archaeological site findings</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1971</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">039-047</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David G. Smith</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Crawford</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent Developments in the Archaeology of the Princess Point Complex in Southern Ontario</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">21</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">009-032</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The transition from the Middle to Late Woodland in Ontario and the origins of horticulture in the Northeast Woodlands are the subject of a multidisciplinary research program begun in 1993. To date, the primary focus of this research is the Princess Point Complex (A.D. 500-1000) of south- central Ontario. Excavations have been conducted at three sites (Grand Banks, Lone Pine and Young 1) in the Cayuga area of the Lower Grand River Valley and at two sites, Bull&amp;#39;s Point (AhGx-9) and Bull&amp;#39;s Cove(AhGx-365), in Cootes Paradise at the west end of Lake Ontario. The work firmly establishes the presence of maize (Zea mays) on Princess Point sites and counters the argument that Princess Point people were displaced by southern migrants at ca. A.D. 900. We have clarified the chronology of Princess Point and the introduction of maize to the Northeast by generating the earliest AMS radiocarbon dates (early sixth century A.D.) on maize from the Northeast. Site formation processes on the floodplain of the Grand River have been examined in detail at the Grand Banks site, and indicate that year-round occupation of this type of locale is not out of the question. This paper summarizes past research on Princess Point, details the work that we have conducted over the past three years, and presents a revised overview of Princess Point and its implications for our understanding of the origins and development of food production in the Northeast Woodlands.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;En Ontario la transition du Sylvicole moyen au Sylvicole supérieur et l&amp;#39;origine de l&amp;#39;horticulture dans le Nord-Est sont les sujets d&amp;#39;un programme de recherche multidisciplinaire depuis 1993. Jusqu&amp;#39;à maintenant, cette recherche a été concentrée sur le complex Princess Point (500-1000 A.D.) dans la partie centrale du sud de l&amp;#39;Ontario. Nous avons dirigé des fouilles dans trois sites de la partie inférieure de la vallée de la Grande Rivière dans la région de Cayuga (Grand Banks, Lone Pine et Young 1) et dans deux sites à Cootes Paradise à l&amp;#39;extrémité ouest du lac Ontario (Bull&amp;#39;s Point et Bull&amp;#39;s Cove). Cette recherche établit fermement la présence de maÔs (Zea mays) dans les sites Princess Point et vient à l&amp;#39;encontre de l&amp;#39;argument selon lequel les peuples Princess Point ont été déplacés par des migrants venant du sud vers l&amp;#39;an 900 de notre ère. Par la datation radiocarbone AMS, nous avons clarifié la chronologie Princess Point et avons pu déterminer que l&amp;#39;introduction du maÔs dans le Nord-Est a eu lieu avant le 9e siècle (au début du sixième siècle). Le procéssus de développement de site sur la plaine alluviale de la Grande Rivière a été éxaminé en détail au site Grand Banks et indique que ce type d&amp;#39;endroit a pu être occupé à l&amp;#39;année longue. Cet article résume les recherches passées sur Princess Point, décrit les recherches que nous avons dirigées durant les trois dernières années et présente une vue d&amp;#39;ensemble révisée de Princess Point et des implications pour notre compréhension de l&amp;#39;origine et du dévélopement de la production alimentaire dans le Nord-Est.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert J. Stark</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jeanette Greenfield</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Return of Cultural Treasures (3rd Edition)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">278-280</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Douglas R. Stenton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent Archaeological Investigations in Frobisher Bay, Baffin Island, N.W.T</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1987</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">11</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">013-048</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Archaeological research in the upper part of Frobisher Bay has revealed 16 new sites and nearly 4,000 years of culture history. This paper summarizes the excavations conducted between 1979 and 1984 at a large Thule winter village site at Peale Point (KkDo-1). Artifact analysis indicates that the site was occupied between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries A.D. despite projected resource fluctuations. Reconstructed subsistence practices demonstrate a reliance on localized resources, with little or no dependence on breathing hole sealing during the winter.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les recherches archéologiques menées à la Baie de Frobisher ont permis d’y découvrir, dans la partie supérieure, 16 nouveaux sites documentant environ 4000 and de développement culturel. Dans cet article, nous présen
tons plus spécialement un site d’hiver thuléen situé sur la Pointe Peale (KkDo-1) et fouillé entre 1979 et 1984. Ce site aurait été occupé entre le Xllle et le XVllle siècles en dépit de certaines fluctuations assumées dans
les ressources. Le mode de subsistance qu’on arrive à reconstituer démontre une dépendance envers les ressources locales ainsi qu’une faible utilisation de la chasse aux phoques à leurs trous de respiration.</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Douglas R. Stenton</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">McCullough</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ruin Islanders: Early Thule Culture Pioneers in the Eastern High Arctic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1990</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">239-242</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Stewart</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recognition of Northern Plano in the Context of Settlement in the Central Northwest Territories: Developing a Technological Approach</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">179-191</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Most Northern Plano occupations in north-central Canada have been found in multi-component sites representing several cultural periods. The Northern Plano period is usually distinguished by lanceolate projectile points. These artifacts may not suffice, however, to identify sites used exclusively by Northern Plano people because the points are finished or reworked, and thus represent only the end part of a bifacial reduction sequence, and because they may be confused with Middle Taltheilei points. A preliminary comparison between the Northern Plano Grant Lake site in the N.W.T. and the Middle Taltheilei component of the nearby Migod site suggests that production variables of large flakes struck from bifaces may help to distinguish the two periods.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les occupations du centre du Canada septentrional par les groupes Plano nordiques ont surtout été identifiées dans des sites à réoccupations multiples couvrant plurieurs périodes culturelles. La période correspondant à cette présence Plano nordique a généralement été définie sur la base de pointes de projectiles lancéolées. Or, ces outils pourraient être insuffisants pour attester une occupation exclusive de ces groupes aux endroits où on les trouve. En effet, ces pointes ne représentent que l&amp;#39;étape finale d&amp;#39;une chaîne de réduction bifaciale et elles peuvent être confondues avec celles de la période du Taltheilei Moyen. Une étude comparative préliminaire entre le site de Grant Lake, appartenant au Plano nordique des Territoires du Nord-Ouest et l&amp;#39;assemblage de la période du Taltheilei Moyen du site voisin de Migod, nous permet de croire que ces deux périodes pourraient être distinguées en analysant des attributs de production de grands éclats tirés de bifaces.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kisha Supernant</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reconciling the Past for the Future: The Next 50 Years of Canadian Archaeology in the Post-TRC Era</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">144-153</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">C.J. Turnbull</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reflections on a Ground Slate Bayonet Fragment from the Tantramar Marsh, Upper Bay of Fundy</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1988</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">12</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">087-108</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;A ground slate bayonet was collected from the mudflats of the upper Bay of Fundy; the environmental context of this single find is reviewed to provide a context for our expectations of the archaeological record of the region. While the Quoddy region of the bay has been known for its richness of resources and the maritime adaptation of its Native inhabitants, the adjacent region at the head of the Bay of Fundy has the lowest potential of any region in the Maritimes. The large tides in the Bay of Fundy have created a stressed ecological zone with markedly reduced resource potential of the region for an &amp;#39;Archaic-type&amp;#39; economy. Another distinctive mini-environment of the Maritime Provinces is identified. The geological circumstances that provoke the world&amp;#39;s largest tides have reduced the archaeological potential of the area even further. The coastal erosion accompanying the general subsidence of the Maritime Provinces and the unique geomorphology of the bay that create the high tides have removed nearly all of the record of human history as well.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Une bayonette en ardoise polie a été trouvée dans les zones boueuses de la partie supérieure de la baie de Fundy. Le contexte environnemental de cette seule trouvaille fait l&amp;#39;objet d&amp;#39;un examen afin de se faire une idée de ce à quoi on peut s&amp;#39;attendre de la région sur le plan archéologique. Bien que la région de Quoddy soit déjà renommée pour la richesse de ses ressources et l&amp;#39;adaptation au milieu marin des autochtones de l&amp;#39;endroit, la région adjacente, située dans la partie supérieure de la baie de Fundy, est la moins prometteuse de toutes les régions des maritimes à ce niveau. Les fortes marées de la baie ont donné naissance à une zone écologiquement très pauvre, adaptativement difficile et offrant un faible potentiel de ressources pour une économie de type &amp;#39;archaÔque&amp;#39;. Un autre mini-environnement distinctif des provinces Maritimes a par ailleurs été identifié et la formation géologique qui est à l&amp;#39;origine des plus hautes marées au monde a diminué encore davantage le potentiel archéologique de cette région. L&amp;#39;érosion côtière, jumelée à l&amp;#39;affaissement général des provinces Maritimes et à l&amp;#39;unique géomorphologie de la baie qui donne lieu aux grandes marées, a détruit presque toutes traces du passage de l&amp;#39;homme à cet endroit.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William B. Workman</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">LeBlanc</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Rat Indian Creek Site and the Late Prehistoric Period in the Interior Northem Yukon</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1987</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">11</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">189-191</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Eldon Yellowhorn</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Regarding the American Paleolithic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">062-073</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Taxonomies currently employed in Plains archaeology were devised in the mid-20th century. As a new century unfolds, the time has come to revisit them and to suggest alternatives that acknowledge the emergence of a World Archaeology. Terms such as prehistory and Archaic were created to describe the material culture assemblages in the Western hemisphere. However, as a global perspective becomes more common in archaeology, there is a need to adopt terms that have meaning for audiences around the world. This article addresses that topic and suggests alternatives to the broad categories in use. Replacing Paleoindian with Upper Paleolithic, Archaic with Epipaleolithic, and Woodland with Neolithic achieves the objective of placing Aboriginal peoples on an equal basis with other early peoples elsewhere in the world.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les taxonomies archéologiques employées dans les Plaines furent élaborées au milieu du vingtième siècle. En ce début de siècle, il est temps de revoir ces classifications et de proposer des alternatives qui tiennent compte de l&amp;#39;émergence d&amp;#39;une archéologie mondiale. Des concepts tel que préhistoire et Archaïque furent inventés pour décrire les assemblages de culture matérielle dans les amériques. Cependant, l&amp;#39;émergence d&amp;#39;une perspective plus globale en archéologie voit naître le besoin d&amp;#39;adopter des termes qui seront compris par différents auditoires à travers le monde. Cet article discute de ce problème et suggère des solutions alternatives aux concepts généraux utilisés en archéologie. Remplacer le terme Paléoindien par celui de Paléolithique supérieur, le terme Archaïque par celui d&amp;#39;Epipaléolithique, et utiliser le concept de Néolithique pour décrire des communautés agricoles a le mérite de placer les communautés autochtones et les autres populations anciennes du monde sur un pied d&amp;#39;égalité.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine C. Carlson</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pei-Lin Yu</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rivers, Fish, and the People. Tradition, Science, and Historical Ecology of Fisheries in the American West</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">213–215</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record></records></xml>