<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><xml><records><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CHAMPAGNE</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">AISHIHIK FIRST NATIONS</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diane STRAND</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Caribou in Champagne and Aishihik First Nations Territories: A First Look at the Oral History Sources</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The recent discovery of extensive deposits of ancient caribou droppings on Thandl&amp;permil;t and other mountains in the southern Yukon has shown biologists and other researchers that this species was once locally abundant in Champagne and Aishihik First Nations traditional territory. Elders and those familiar with our history, however, know that the Champagne and Aishihik people have a long history with caribou. As recent as just over a century ago, caribou were one of the most significant food and clothing sources. To contribute to the understanding of the species&#039; biology and recent history in CAFN traditional territory, oral history sources (old ethnographies, legends and stories, old and more recent interview transcripts) and archival documents have been examined. At least 9 different hunting fences, for example, are mentioned in the materials examined. These sources shed light on the former range and abundance of the species in the southern part of CAFN traditional territory, where caribou are now rare. While considerable more directed interview work with CAFN Elders is needed, the data examined to date begins to assemble a picture of people and caribou in not too distant times.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">AMES</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chinookan Cellars</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ethnohistoric accounts describe Chinookan people storing valuables in the spaces beneath the sleeping platforms in their houses. Paul Kane&#039;s painting of the interior of a Chinookan house shows such spaces also being used for sleeping. Excavations of a relatively large number of precontact and contact era Chinookan houses along the Lower Columbia River reveal that, in addition to the space between the platform and the floor, extensive subfloor storage pits existed beneath the sleeping platforms. In some structures, the pits are located immediately below the sleeping platforms, while in others, they merge into a substantial cellar. There is also variation within large, multi-room structures as to whether all rooms have these features. The scale of subfloor features may vary with vulnerability to flooding. Intra-house variation in these features, however, may reflect the status of the household members. Contents of these features varies markedly from stored valuables to fully articulated wapiti limbs.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steven Acheson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Clonard Bay Point: Evidence of Lanceolate Bifaces in the Queen Charlotte Islands</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">141-148</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Benjamin Albouy</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L. Adrien Hannus</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Clovis Mammoth Butchery. The Lange/Ferguson Site and Associated Bone Tool Technology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">094-097</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ALLEN, Tana</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadians in Carthage: Explorations at Bir Ftouha</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1992, as part of the ongoing international UNESCO campaign to save Carthage, a team from the University of Alberta led by Dr. J.J. Rossiter undertook a small excavation at the suburban site of Bir Ftouha. Two separate areas of Bir Ftouha had been previously explored by Delattre and P. Gaukler. Delattre published a plan of a triple-apsed room containing a number of sarcophagi. A so-called baptismal font and bath building were also found, although their precise location was never published. Gaukler&#039;s findings of an early Christian basilica were even more sketchily recorded, as no plan or adequate description of the building or its whereabouts was ever published. Despite their close proximity, there seems to have been little interest in determining the nature of the relationship between the two sites. The 1992 project aimed to further investigate this area. A magnetometer survey carried out by a University of Alberta team in 1991 had shown two areas of disturbance: one located near the bath-house complex and another approximately 60 m to the east. Several trenches placed near the bath-house complex revealed part of a building wall and a series of floor surfaces. The latest phase of these features has been tentatively dated to the late 6th or early 7th centuries A.D. Due to limited resources and time, a more thorough exploration of this building was not possible in 1992. Of particular interest in the 1992 excavations were an extensive series of midden pits. The pits contained a dense mixture of pottery and organic remains. The pottery, consisting of local coarse wares, cooking wares, and Islamic glazed wares, bas been provisionally dated to the 9th-11th centuries A.D., or the Early Islamic period. The faunal remains, studied by Michael MacKinnon, suggest that sheep, goat, and cattle formed a significant part of the diet of the inhabitants of the site in its later periods. The ceramic and faunal material is especially important as there has been very little information available about the early Islamic period in Carthage. Further study may suggest that there is greater continuity between the Late Roman and the Early Islamic periods than previously believed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patricia Allen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Commodore George Walker at Nepisiguit: Protecting and Preserving An Extraordinary Fragment of 18th C Maritime History</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">For nearly two decades Commodore George Walker was one of the most publicly acclaimed British privateer sea Captains of the mid-18th century. His exploits during war and peace ranged from the Mediterranean to the North Sea to the coasts of North America. In 1763, his ship laden with salt and fishing implements, Walker was determined to start a new life in the trade and fishing industries of Nova Scotia. By 1768 he was successful in establishing a fishing station, shipbuilding site and trading post at Alston Point, Nepisiguit (now Bathurst , New Brunswick). Walker&#039;s trade encompassed the entire Bay of Chaleur and his company shipped a variety of salt fish to the Mediterranean, London and West Indies markets. Through his personality and honest business dealings Walker won the respect of the Acadians, the Mi&#039;kmaq and the few other British who inhabited the Bay. By 1777 war with the revolting colonies saw American Privateers plundering all coastal establishments in British territory. In July of 1778 American raiders destroy the homes and stores of George Walker. The Alston Point property, including the suggested area of the 18th C Walker trading establishment, has recently been declared a Protected Historic site by the Province of New Brunswick.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathleen M. Sydoriak Allen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Variability and Social Identity: Applying Ideas about Technical Choices and Chaine Operatoire to Iroquoian Pottery</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ethnoarchaeological research has provided many insights into understanding the causes of ceramic variability in the archaeological record. Among these are those that focus on technical choices and manufacturing processes in relation to social boundaries. The ability to examine what was formerly termed function and style in a more unified way through a consideration of technological style provides new insight into the ways variability in ceramics relates to social and group identities and the process of marking social boundaries (whether intentional or not). Analysis of ceramics from two contemporary early historic Seneca village sites provides a database within which to apply results from several ethnoarchaeological studies. Patterns of technological variability as evidenced in vessel morphology, construction, and decorative techniques are analyzed for evidence of the use of material culture as an expression of social boundaries. While insights into Iroquoian ceramic variability and its causes are gained, problems in identifying appropriate interpretations remain and are discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth M. Ames</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Timothy R. Pauketat</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chiefdoms and Other Archaeological Delusions</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">115-118</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ken Ames</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William C. Prentiss</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian Kuijt</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Complex Hunter-Gatherers: Evolution and Organization of Prehistoric Communities on the Plateau of Northwestern North America</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">29</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">289-292</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Amsden, C.W.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Camps and Sites in Settlement Pattern Reconstruction: The Nunamiut Case</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">As archaeologists have devoted increasing attention to settlement patterns of hunting peoples, one class of variables which seem to have been neglected concerns patterns of re-occupation of individual sites. This paper presents the results of an initial attempt to analyze site re-occupation patterns of one group–the Nunamiut Eskimos of northem Alaska. A total of 257 habitation camps (occupations) at 130 different sites are examined in relation to several environmental and temporal categories. These occupations span the period between 1898 and 1959 and were recorded through ethnographic techniques. Two questions are asked: What were the major factors influencing site re-occupation? In what ways, if any, would the archaeologist be misled in reconstructing this settlement system on the basis of site counts alone? The answers to these questions are considered in terms of their implications for settlement pattern analysis.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bill Angelbeck</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conceptions of Coast Salish Warfare</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">For the lives of Northwest Coast peoples throughout their prehistory and history, warfare was a common occurrence. Images of warfare feature prominently in contemporary conceptions of Northwest Coast cultures, however, these mostly regard the northern groups, like the Haida, Tlingit, or Kwakwaka&#039;wakw. The Coast Salish often are portrayed not as warriors, but as victims, subject to the preying of northern raiders, such as the infamous Lekwiltok. In this paper, I discuss these conceptions and posit that current conceptions about the nature of Coast Salish warfare result mostly from a late historic peak in Coast Salish life, a window of fascinating detail, but one that is fogged by the substantial changes in the decades prior to historic chronicles, particularly the differing effects of disease and the access to firearms. Moreover, such views ignore substantial archaeological and ethnographic evidence regarding warfare among the Coast Salish. For this discussion, I integrate the evidence from archaeology, ethnography, and ethnohistory for a more coherent conception of Coast Salish warfare.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lisa ANSELMI</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Copper-alloy Artifacts Recovered from Huron Sites: A Chronological Look at Native Manufacturing Techniques</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents an analysis of the manufacturing techniques used to create copper-alloy artifacts recovered from a series of attributed Huron archaeological sites in Southern Ontario. An examination of these pieces yields evidence for the chronological development of a series of metalworking techniques which built upon skills employed in the manufacture of other types of objects.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David ARCHER</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Correlations between Oral Traditions and Archaeology during the Middle Period on the Northern Mainland Coast of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Middle Period (3500 - 1500 BP) was a crucial one in the culture history of the Prince Rupert area with major developments occurring in almost all aspects of life. Although several attempts have been made to account for these changes, as yet no consensus has been reached on the causal factors involved and their relative weight. To advance the discussion, several researchers have begun to work with the rich body of oral traditions passed down by the indigenous groups of the region. When carefully analyzed, oral traditions provide a record of past events that were of enduring cultural importance. As such, they form a natural complement to the archaeological record. The challenge lies in the process of integrating the two sources of historical information within an absolute chronological framework. This paper offers an update on the process with particular attention to settlement data recently gathered within the Dundas Island Group.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arnold, Elizabeth R.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ramsay, Charles</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allyson Ramsay</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Pattern Observations from EbPi-108 and EgPn-564, Two Alberta Plains Late Period Tipi Ring Sites</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Two recent studies at tipi ring sites in southwestern Alberta include comparison of the excavation of five ring features from EbPi-108 and a single ring feature site at EgPn-564. Spatial plots of materials at EbPi-108 have reviewed gender and ideological aspects through consideration of models proposed by Gerald Oetelaar in recent years. However, these and other cultural patterns are reconsidered by observation of variable occupation patterns apparent between the multi-ring and multi-component EbPi-108 site relative to a single ring and single component site at EgPn-564. Aspects of seasonality, landscape, and geomorphic processes are brought to bear on the interpretative models oriented about social and ideological schemes. The objective is to build and re-orient extant tipi ring interpretive model concepts towards a more flexible and broader interpretive framework that can be applied to more complex multi-ring and multi-occupation sites.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arnold, C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A consideration of some aspects of Thule pottery</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">To date, there have been only casual assessments of the significance of pottery in Thule culture sites of arctic Canada. This paper reviews evidence for the origins, distributions, and varieties of Thule pottery. Information obtained from the analysis of a sample of Thule pottery is interpreted in light of ethnographic descriptions of pottery manufacture in the Arctic. The results of the study provide a basis for evaluating various ideas that have been put forward with regard to the distribution of this cultural trait.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Current Research on Quebec Rock-Art Sites</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Until the 1990&#039;s only a few sites had been studied in the Quebec part of the Canadian Shield. This situation started to change when I set up a multi-disciplinary project named PETRARQ, which aimed at reassessing our methods for studying rock-art sites in the Province. Since then, new decorated panels have been identified within some already known sites, and the six new painted and three engraved sites have been discovered altogether in the boreal forest alone, north of the St. Lawrence Valley. These results suggest that rock-art is not a mere epiphenomenon in Quebec but is part of a larger cognitive and visual symbolic system proper to Algonquian groups who have been inhabiting the Canadian Shield for millennia. This paper intends to shed new lights on this old phenomenon in Quebec compared to the rest of the Shield.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ASCH, Michael</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Property and the Question of Underlying Title</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In asking the question &#039;who owns the cultural property found at a site,&#039; it is useful to ask &#039;who owns the ground itself.&#039; By ownership in this sense I mean &#039;jurisdiction.&#039; It leads to questions about underlying title, sovereignty and treaty rights. In this discussion, I will direct my attention to the question of underlying title as a means to determine ownership of cultural property. I will look at some difficulties this approach creates for accurate determination of ownership and advance possible solutions, both for the long-terrn and the present.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Archaeological Association</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS OF THE CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION (Revised Edition 1971-72)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1972</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">125-132</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Archaeological Association</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Constitution and By-Laws of the Canadian Archaeological Association</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1969</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-004</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Baker, Thomas R.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Resource Management Archaeology in Maine: A View from the University of Maine at Farmington</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Since 1984 the University of Maine Archaeology Research Center has completed nearly 30 Cultural Resource Management assessments in the state of Maine. These projects have been mandated by state and federal statutes and have been completed for both private and public concerns primarily in previously understudied interior settings of Maine. This work is not simply &quot;rescue&#039; or &quot;salvage&quot; archaeology but is research-oriented. As a result of these investigations, data from more than 500 archaeological sites (prehistoric aboriginal, historic aboriginal, and Euroamerican) or at least one-fifth of all of the recorded sites in Maine has been recovered and is undergoing assessment. This data will permit us to clarify and expand existing models of aboriginal occupation and utilization of the interior of Maine as well as allow us to pose new ones. An example of the wealth of information recovered during Archaeology Research Center investigations is drawn from the Androscoggin River valley located in western Maine and will be discussed in this presentation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bruce F. Ball</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peter T. Bobrowsky</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cost Effectiveness and Time Management Evaluation of Intensive Recovery Techniques</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1987</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">11</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">075-097</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;An evaluation of intensive recovery techniques is provided under the scrutiny of time management. This paper first reviews the potential biases inherent in coarse sieving using mammal remains from the Great Basin as an example. The example illustrates quantitatively how the importance of smaller taxa in the assemblage increases as a function of decreasing sieve size. Next the results of a multiple mesh sieving experiment are presented using data recovered from the Ross Site, a multi-component camp site through 12.7, 6.35, 1.59 and 0.85 mm sieves and the frequencies of vertebrate faunal remains, gastropods, insect eggs, plant seeds, and cultural lithics were tabulated. Regression equations describing the percent loss and recovery for both lithics and bones are given. Discussion concerning the recognition rates for tub-water separation, wet sieving, wet froth flotation, and simple flotation are evaluated. This detailed review leads to the conclusian that the simple flotation apparatus of P.J. Watson (17.6 man hours/cubic metre) and the Cambridge froth flotation machine (27.2 man hours/cubic metre) are the most cost effective. This performance could be further enhanced through the use of chemicals. Sorting rates, as gleaned from the literature for a variety of deposits, are also presented. Bearing in mind the considerable variation in site contents we are able to generalize, for the purposes of time management in mitigation, that 100 to 150 man hours are required to sort one cubic metre of processed material.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cette étude présente une évaluation des techniques de récupération intensive, selon un examen de la gestion du temps. Prenant comme exemple les restes de mammifères en provenance du Grand Bassin, l&amp;#39;exposé fait état des biais qui peuvent être liés au tamisage grossier. Cet exemple illustre quantativement l&amp;#39;importance croissante des taxons plus petits dans l&amp;#39;assemblage, en fonction de la diminution de la grandeur des mailles. Sont présentés également les résultats d&amp;#39;une expérience de tamisage employant des grillages d&amp;#39;ouvertures différentes en prenant les données provenant du site Ross, un campement à réoccupations multiples, situé dans le sud-ouest de l&amp;#39;Alberta. Une colonne échatillon provenant de cet endroit a été traitée en utilisant des tamis dont les mailles mesuraient 12.7, 6.35, 1.59 et 0.85 mm; un tableau des fréquences a été établi concernant les restes des vertébrés, de gastéropodes, d&amp;#39;oeufs d&amp;#39;insectes, de graines végétales et de débitage. Les équations de régression indiquent le pourcentage de perte et de récupération pour les matériaux lithiques ainsi que pour les os. Suit une discussion à propos de la reconnaissance de divers niveaux culturels selon différentes grandeurs. Le document contient aussi l&amp;#39;évaluation des taux de traitment publiés concernant la séparation par eau courante, le tamisage humide, la flottation simple et la flottation par moussage. Cet examen détaillé nous mène à la conclusion que l&amp;#39;appareil de flottation simple de P.J. Watson (17.6 heures de main-d&amp;#39;oeuvre par mètre cube) et la machine Cambridge de flottation par moussage (27.2 heures de main-d&amp;#39;oeuvre par mètre cube) s&amp;#39;avèrent les plus rentables. L&amp;#39;utilisation de produits chimiques pourrait encore améliorer cette performance. L&amp;#39;étude présente par ailleurs, des taux de triage, puisés dans la documentation concernant différents dépôts. Compte-tenu des variations sensibles dans le contenu des sites, nous pouvons conclure, pour l&amp;#39;application à la gestion du temps dans la récupération, qu&amp;#39;en général, le triage d&amp;#39;un mètre cube de matériaux traités, nécessite de 100 à 150 heures de main-d&amp;#39;oeuvre.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James H. Barrett</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">COLONIZATION FROM WITHIN: THE &#039;PERIPHERALIZATION&#039; OF VIKING AGE ORKNEY</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In the 11th century the autonomous Viking Age &#039;chiefdom&#039; of Orkney was transformed into a periphery of medieval Christian Europe. This paper integrates archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence to investigate the cultural processes that caused this transformation. It contrasts the role of external economic pressures and internal dialectical forces. I suggest that the efforts of a single lineage to consolidate secular and symbolic power may have been the catalyst of socioeconomic change. Earls such as Thorfinnr Sigurdarson sought to marginalize their competitors through recourse to pragmatic and symbolic support from the royal and ecclesiastical elite of neighbouring states. While their strategy was successful in the short term, it probably had an irreversible impact on the character of Orcadian society. This study provides a glimpse of wider processes underlying the transformation from &#039;Dark Age&#039; to medieval Europe. Moreover, it provides a model of &#039;colonization&#039; without population movement which may prove relevant to episodes of culture-contact elsewhere in the North Atlantic region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Basa, Louise A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Resources Management for U.S. Water Pollution Control Facilities in New York State, 1976-98</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The presentation will begin with a description of the evolution of cultural resources management techniques and practices in the New York State Construction Grants Program. Management of these resources is achieved by integrating federal environmental and historic preservation reviews into one effective process for the identification, evaluation and protection of historic properties. Successful and problematic case studies will be presented. These will include: the use of remote sensing in identifying an urban historic archaeological district; integration of data on factory complexes into exhibits at the treatment plant and in the local school; protective measures for a 200 acre prehistoric and settlers&#039; site; unique problems posed by accidental discovery on two separate construction sites of cemeteries (one Native American, the other Colonial).</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bathurst, Rhonda</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canine Health and Human Analogy: Dogs as Surrogate Indicators of Human Health Status</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dog remains are familiar components of zooarchaeological assemblages. Traditionally, they are quantified and recorded in similar ways to other forms of faunal evidence. Yet most faunal remains are vestiges of past meals, and equate to little more than a sorted roster of menu items. Dogs, however, represent a unique form of cultural evidence that may more fully inform both archaeologists and physical anthropologists alike. Considering that dogs were bred, fed, cared for, trained by and spent their lifetime in the company of humans, their contribution to the archaeological record is more cultural than strictly biological. I propose that dogs have, therefore, been underutilised as alternative lines of supporting evidence in relation to such disparate issues as health in past human communities. This paper will contrast and compare the results of the paleopathological analysis of domestic canid remains from two distinct regions of Canada: the Northwest Coast and south-central Ontario. Results suggest that dog remains share skeletal stresses similar to those found in contemporaneous human populations. Furthermore, such evidence may illustrate other forms of stress not easily recognized on human skeletal remains. It is therefore suggested that dogs be considered as independent indicators of health status in past human communities.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jeff Seibert</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Matthew A Beaudoin</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Challenging Colonial Narratives: Nineteenth-Century Great Lakes Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">259-261</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alwynne B. Beaudoin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Compendium and Evaluation of Postglacial Pollen Records in Alberta</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">17</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">092-112</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beauvais, Suzanne</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comment les documents lient l&#039;histoire à l&#039;archéologie : l&#039;exemple de Red Bay</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ce propos a pour but d&#039;illustrer un autre exemple de la complémentarité de l&#039;histoire à l&#039;archéologie. Cette complémentarité s&#039;est reflétée dans l&#039;étude de documents notariés biscaïens du 16e siécle pour le projet du baleinier de Red Bay. La documentation provient de différents fonds d&#039;archives de la province basque de Gipuzkoa en Espagne. à cette époque, la renommée des constructeurs de bateaux de la côte biscaïenne n&#039;était pas à faire. Toutefois, jusqu&#039;à récemment, aucune étude approfondie de leurs méthodes de construction n&#039;avait été entreprise. Les fouilles menées à Red Bay donneront essor à plusieurs sujets de recherche dont celui-ci. Voici les résultats obtenus dans le cadre de la construction navale. Un examen minutieux de chacun des documents par sujet nous permit de réunir des détails trés intéressants sur la traite du bois, le gréement, l&#039;architecture et la construction navale. Ces précisions nous donnérent une meilleure compréhension du rôle des divers acteurs impliqués dans cette industrie. Elles nous donnérent aussi une compréhension améliorée de la provenance et des lieux de transformation des matiéres premiéres, des modes de transport, des divers métiers impliqués, des lieux de construction, etc. En ce qui a trait à l&#039;archéologie, l&#039;étude de ces documents nous éclaira sur la méthode de construction des bateaux par le biais de l&#039;étude des métiers, les outils employés, les noms des diverses piéces de bois, des éléments du gréement, leur fonction et localisation, données importantes pour permettre la reconstitution fidéle de l&#039;épave. Ceci n&#039;est qu&#039;un échantillon des possibilités offertes par l&#039;étude de ces documents. En effet, ces derniers regorgent d&#039;informations de toutes sortes. Pour terminer, notre exposé vous en dévoilera les principaux thémes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Trevor Bell</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Joyce Macpherson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Renouf, M.A.P.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contexte environnemental et impacts environnementaux sur l&#039;occupation préhistorique de Port au Choix, côte nord-ouest de Terre-Neuv</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jennifer Birch</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carley A. Crann</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Luc Pilon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chronological Modeling and Insights on European- St. Lawrence Iroquoian Interaction from the Roebuck Site, Ontario</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">332–347</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Advances in laboratory methods and chronological modeling have greatly refined the practice of radiocarbon dating, permitting more precise age-estimates for archaeological sites and materials than have been previously possible. This report presents new AMS dates on maize and bone collagen from a European-worked needle case from the St. Lawrence Iroquoian Roebuck site. Those dates are then re-presented within a series of Bayesian models to illustrate the benefits of chronological frameworks which include prior information. The results produce an estimate of Roebuck&amp;rsquo;s occupation as beginning cal A.D. 1474&amp;ndash;1568 and ending cal A.D. 1524&amp;ndash;1587 (2 sigma), placing the needle case in the very early protohistoric period.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des développements récents de méthodes en laboratoire ainsi que la modélisation des données chronologiques ont permis des raffinements importants de la datation au radiocarbone. On peut dorénavant obtenir des estimés d&amp;rsquo;âges de sites archéologiques et de matériaux qui sont plus précis qu&amp;rsquo;auparavant. Nous présentons les résultats des nouvelles datations utilisant la spectrométrie de masse par accélérateur (AMS) de grains de maïs et de collagène d&amp;rsquo;os obtenu d&amp;rsquo;un porte-aiguilles de fabrication européenne trouvés sur le site Iroquoïen du St-Laurent Roebuck. Ces datations sont présentées à l&amp;rsquo;aide d&amp;rsquo;un modèle bayésien afin d&amp;rsquo;illustrer les avantages d&amp;rsquo;un cadre chronologique qui incorpore des connaissances préalables. Ainsi, la période d&amp;rsquo;occupation du site Roebuck aurait commencé entre A.D. 1474&amp;ndash;1568 (calibré) et se serait terminée entre A.D. 1524&amp;ndash;1587 (calibré) (2-sigma). Le porte-aiguilles remonte donc au tout début de la période protohistorique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Blaubergs, Ellen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Community Archaeology at Bonnechere Provincial Park and Murphy&#039;s Point Provincial Park</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The evolution and results of a one-week integrated educational archaeology opportunity at Bonnechere Provincial Park in 2001 will be discussed and evaluated. This unique experiential program served as the catalyst for an even more structured and focussed approach at Murphy&#039;s Point Provincial Park in 2004 and 2005. Various complimentary program components will be highlighted and critiqued. These will be incorporated into a proposal for a &quot;new community archaeology&quot;, and its pertinence to elementary school classes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">BOSCH, Katherine A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Circle Unfolds: Towards an Understanding of the Traditional Cosmology of the Piik_ni and Sioux Peoples / &#039;Le cercle révél&amp;eacu</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">For many North American Native people, the circle represents the cycle of life. It is a symbol of infinity and interconnectedness. However, this belief transcends the boundaries of the physical world; its inception lies within the spiritual world. As such, there exists a reciprocal relationship between the spiritual and the terrestrial worlds and such a relationship is reflected by the American Indian through certain actions and rituals. It is my intent in this paper to examine the idea of numerical symbolism, and especially interpretations of the number 4, within the context of the sweat and the Sun Dance ceremonies of the Piik_ni and Siouan peoples and how such symbolism provides evidence of a connection for these people between themselves and their cosmos.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">BOWYER, Vandy</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gerald W. KUZYK</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald E. RUSSELL</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard S. FARNELL</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ruth M. GOTTHARDT</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">P. Gregory HARE</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Erik BLAKE</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Caribou Remains at Thandl&amp;permil;t: Archaeology and Paleoecology of Some Well-Preserved Sites on Ice Patches in the Southwestern Yukon</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1997 well-preserved prehistoric organic artifacts and faunal material were discovered melting out of a permanent snow patch in the Kusawa Lake area of the southwestern Yukon. Radiocarbon dates on caribou fecal remains from stratified deposits within the snow patch indicate that these animals were present in the area at least 2500 years ago, although they are absent in the region today. A wooden dart/arrow shaft recovered from the edge of the snow patch dates to 4300 years ago, and is a rare example of mid-Holocene organic technology in North America. The exceptional preservation of archaeological remains and high quality paleoenvironmental data at the Thandl&amp;permil;t site offers a rare opportunity to explore a number of questions regarding human use of montane sites, the ecology of prehistoric caribou, and implications of climate change on caribou populations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jack Brink</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rhonda DeLorme</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Children of Dunbow: Closure on a Sad Burial Incident</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The St. Joseph (Dunbow) Mission school, southeast of Calgary, was operated by the Oblate Fathers from the 1880s to about 1920. Intended to teach Native children useful western skills and to discourage traditional culture, children were recruited from many tribal groups including all three Blackfoot Nations, Cree, Tsuu T&#039;ina as well as Metis. Inevitably, increased contact with Euro-Canadians also led to an increase in disease and many Native children died while at the school. Locating family members in a timely manner was not always possible and several dozen children were buried at a cemetery established on the banks of the Highwood river near the Dunbow school. In recent years the river has cut into the banks beneath this cemetery sending caskets and bones downstream. This situation created a dilemma for all involved - the Church, Aboriginal people, government departments, the local landowner. Who is responsible for unmarked, unregistered burials and human remains? Can or should anything be done, or should nature take its course? This paper chronicles several years of events surrounding the story of the Dunbow cemetery, and how Aboriginal groups and resource managers worked together to bring a dramatic conclusion to this unfortunate situation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James W. Brown</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James K. Feathers</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James C. Chatters</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patrick T. McCutcheon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steven Hackenberger</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chronometric Precision and Accuracy: Radiocarbon and Luminescence Age Estimates for Pacific Northwest Cooking Features</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">240-254</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Advances in chronometric dating are needed to refine chronologies and models of cultural change, and bridging arguments are needed to link age estimates with cultural events. We compare three dating approaches using matched samples from cooking features at three sites in the Puget Sound, finding that luminescence dates for fire-modified rock (FMR), and radiocarbon dates on calcined bone are congruent with radiocarbon dates for charcoal. Dates derived from different media on single features are often within 100 years of each other. We discuss the relative advantages of each type of dating. Calcined bone survives well in acidic soils and yields reliable, accurate, and highly precise age estimates. Luminescence dating is highly accurate, especially if the FMR was sufficiently heated, but has low precision. Calcined bone and FMR should be dated more often, and dated together when charcoal cannot be relied upon. Such practice will allow us to better mark and explain rates of economic changes by locale and region.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des avancées en datation chronométrique sont nécessaires afin d’affiner les chronologies et modèles de changement culturel, et des arguments (bridging arguments) sont nécessaires pour lier entre les âges estimés aux évènements culturels. Nous utilisons des échantillons associés avec lieux de cuisson de trois sites à Puget Sound pour comparer trois approches de datation. On découvre que les dates de luminescence pour les pierres modifiées par le feux (FMR) et la datation radiocarbones pour le charbon et les os calcinés sont conformes. Les dates des échantillons ont un écart de moins de 100 ans. Nous discutons des avantages relatifs de chaque méthode de datation. L’os calciné survit bien en sol acide et donne des informations fiables, précises et très exactes au niveau des âges estimés. La datation par luminescence est très précise, surtout si les (FMR) ont été suffisamment chauffés. Les os calcinés et les FMR devraient être datés plus régulière, et employé ensemble lorsque les échantillons de charbons ne peuvent pas être utilisé. Des telles pratiques permettront une meilleure démarcation et fournir des explications quant aux taux de changements économiques selon le lieu et la région.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">BRUMLEY, John H.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patrick J. RENNIE</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Culture History Model for the Plains of Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Montana</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The authors argue that, for the period beginning 5-7,000 BP and extending to ca. 1,000 BP presently identified cultural complexes within the defined region can all be related to two broad cultural traditions referred to as Alsask Mondak. The authors discuss the characteristics and spatial distribution of these two traditions through time. During the last 1,000 years, two additional cultural traditions are introduced into the southem and eastern portions of the study area: the Wymont Tradition and the Extended Coalescent Tradition. The authors discuss the presently known characteristics and spatial distributions of these two traditions as well.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Danielle Budhoo</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Coffin Hardware and Children&#039;s Burials in Nineteenth Century Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Evidence of the presence or absence and the form of coffin hardware on children&#039;s burials from the 19th century provides insight into the role and perception of children and into how death ritual may have differed in public and private environments. This study investigated coffin hardware handles from St. Thomas&#039; Anglican Church cemetery in Belleville, Ontario. Its aim was to understand any relationship between age and the use of coffin handles during the 19th century. Comparison of coffin handle ornamentation and handle size indicated that children usually had smaller coffin handles, but were generally provided as much decoration as other age groups. Because coffin hardware is much less commonly found in children&#039;s burials in family cemeteries, its presence in public areas may indicate that even in death, it was necessary to keep up appearances.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rick Budhwa</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Conflict between Cultural Resource Management and Economic Development on Reserve: A Wet&#039;suwet&#039;en Case Study</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In the summer of 2004, the Wet&#039;suwet&#039;en experienced difficulties in establishing a balance between cultural heritage resource management (CHRM) and economic development. With the acquisition of federal funding necessary to complete a cultural interpretive centre, the Moricetown Band began the initial steps to construct the centre in the Moricetown Canyon, an area rich with sites dated to 6000 B.P. Unfortunately plans for the project did not include CHRM. Subsequently, the Office of the Wet&#039;suwet&#039;en intervened and performed a salvage excavation that resulted in the discovery of thousands of artifacts and human remains. Accordingly, the project plans had to be changed leading to complications.Provincial and federal policies that govern CHRM on Reserve Lands failed to mandate the necessary steps that would have avoided this situation. As a result, due to their ongoing reactionary nature, lack of planning for CHRM, and insufficient community and hereditary consultation, the Moricetown Band has lost a significant portion of their initial funding for their project. Ironically, in the process to construct a cultural interpretive center, the Moricetown Band has destroyed significant amounts of their cultural heritage. It will also suggest potential steps for avoiding such situations in the future.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rick Budhwa</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Corrélations entre les événements paléoécologiques catastrophiques et la tradition orale autochtone dans la r&amp;eacu</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Don Bunyan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R.G. Matson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">C. Moira Irvine (1941-1989)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1990</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">225-226</style></pages></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adrian L. Burke</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Changing Meanings, Changing Roles: Archaeometry of European and Native Materials from Early Contact Period Sites in the Far Northeast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The earliest phase of Aboriginal-European contact in the far Northeast remains to this day poorly understood. European documentary sources for the sixteenth and first decades of the seventeenth centuries are meager and sometimes contradictory with respect to aboriginal lifeways in the Maritimes, Maine and eastern Quebec region. Archaeology, combined with archaeometric analyses, can improve our knowledge of this elusive period in Northeast history. European materials are often incorporated alongside aboriginal materials on many Contact period sites in the Northeast. In some cases these materials are found in contexts of symbolic significance such as burials. In order to better understand the role that these European materials might play in aboriginal life and afterlife, X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analyses were conducted on European and Native materials from early Contact period sites in Maine and Quebec. Comparable materials from other contact and prehistoric sites in the greater Northeast were analyzed in order to provide baseline data. Despite the fundamental changes which aboriginal society underwent following European contact, the use of European equivalents to aboriginal materials seems to show continuity as well as change in how these materials are incorporated into the physical and symbolic life of aboriginal people during the earliest Contact period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Burley</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Margaret Purser</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CRM in the Ivory Tower</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Both in Canada and in the United States, the vast majority of university graduates in archaeology find employment in the CRM field. Notwithstanding this fact, very few universities offer more than a token CRM related course, and academic faculty shun the notion of applied training for students. Brian Fagan, quite appropriately, labels the situation An Academic Time Warp. Our paper provides a survey of CRM in the Ivory Tower highlighting on-going program developments in CRM at Sonoma State (California) and Simon Fraser universities.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bursey, Jeff A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ceramics from the Tara and Ireland Sites : Three Terminal Glen Meyer Components in the Burlington/Crawford Lake Area</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In the summer of 1990, two overlapping villages at the Tara Site and a third village at the Ireland Site, were completely excavated by the Ministry of Transportation, central Region in the Burlington area just southeast of the well-known Crawford Lake area. Analysis of the ceramic assemblages from these three sites indicates an ethnic affiliation with the Glen Meyer late in the 13th century. In light of these results, the hypothesis of a distinction between Glen Meyer and Pickering in the Early Ontario Iroquoian Period appears supported at the expense of clinal variation. Further implications oft his ethnic affiliation, however, are that the Bennett and Gunby sites, previously assigned to the late Pickering, are instead Uren Substage sites evolved from a Glen Meyer base. This conclusion would seriously undermine the basis of the Conquest Hypothesis . Finally, it can be noted that the presumed boundary between the Neutral and the Southern division Huron, located between the Crawford Lake area and the Credit River in the late prehistoric period, appears to have an ancestry in the early Late Woodland, coincident with the boundary between the Glen Meyer and Pickering.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Callaghan, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comments on Mainland Origins of Preceramic Cultures of the Greater Antilles</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">For several decades it has been hypothesized that the early Preceramic cultures of the Greater Antilles might owe there origin to cultures of the Yucatan mainland. Currently this hypothesis has at least a tentative acceptance. However, no detailed comparative analysis of the relevant materials has been conducted. Here, significant differences between the assemblages of the two regions are pointed out. Other mainland origins have been suggested but some have not been investigated well archaeologically. Finally, a simulation investigating the possibility of discovering the Greater Antilles from various mainland regions and subsequent travel between the islands and the mainland is presented. The results show that chance discovery of the Greater Antilles from the Yucatan Peninsula is not as likely as from Northern South America. Despite the greater distance, navigation between Northern South America and the Greater Antilles requires less navigation skill than from the Yucatan Peninsula.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Campbell, Jennifer L.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Contact and Interaction Reflected in Fauna: The Huron of South Central Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper highlights changes to the subsistence patterns of Huron groups in south central Ontario during the prehistoric, protohistoric and historic periods. An analysis of the faunal material from a group of Huron sites from the Trent River Valley, Victoria County, has revealed that changing subsistence strategies can be related to the arrival of Europeans and the dispersal of the St. Lawrence Iroquoians. These sites range in date from AD 1450 to 1615 and include both village and associated resource exploitation sites. Relating the changes in Huron subsistence strategies through time to the cultural forces/changes that motivated these shifts creates a more complete picture of the Huron confederacy at the time of European contact and in the periods preceding this contact.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canine Diet at Namu, British Columbia: The Implications for Zooarchaeological Interpretation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of dog bone from the site of Namu on the central coast of British Columbia is used to verify transitions in human diet inferred from zooarchaeological evidence. Faunal evidence shows a specific sequence of changes including increasing use of shellfish and an increase, peak, and subsequent decline in the proportion of salmon in the diet. Unlike human skeletal remains, dog bones are available for the entire temporal sequence of fauna-bearing cultural deposits. The isotope content of dog bone can therefore provide an dine-scaled monitor of transitions in palaeo-diet. The results of this study show the value of using bone chemistry analysis in conjunction with zoo-archaeological analysis and interpretation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CANNON, A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The contexts of some early to mid Holocene sites on the Central Coast of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The contexts of some early to mid Holocene sites on the Central Coast of British Columbia. Core-testing of shell-midden sites in the Namu vicinity has revealed evidence of early to mid Holocene (10,000-5000 BP) occupation at three locations, in addition to the well-documented early occupation at Namu itself. All of these early sites occur on terraces that are greater than three metres in elevation, which contrasts with the lower elevations of initial occupation at more recent sites. Apart from elevation, the locational attributes of the early sites are highly varied, suggesting a diverse range of possible site functions. These few results from preliminary site testing highlight the potential effectiveness of core-testing for the investigation of early Holocene occupations, and point to a range of environmental and cultural factors relevant to the locations and discovery of early settlement in this region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles E. Borden (1905–1978)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">233-239</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A. Charlton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural resource management and conservation archaeology in British Columbia: A case study</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title><tertiary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Symposium on Conservation Archaeology and Archaeological Resource Management presented at the 9th Annual Meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association, April 29–May 2, 1976 at Winnipeg, Manitoba</style></tertiary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">133-146</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Chazan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles Abbott and the Trenton Gravels Reconsidered: Late Nineteenth-Century Exploration of Human Antiquity in the Americas</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2023</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">47</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">101-129</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The refutation of Charles Abbott’s 1872 claim of having recovered Paleolithic artifacts in the Trenton Gravels is a key event in the early history of North American archaeology—with particularly important implications for the archaeology of the Northeast. This article re-examines the historical record, along with a portion of the Abbott Collection at the University of Pennsylvania Museum (Penn Museum), to argue that the case against Abbott was flawed. Thus, rather than a triumph of scientific rigour over the bumbling of an amateur, the triumph of William Henry Holmes over Abbott was more an expression of the dynamics of the emerging academic discipline of archaeology.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La réfutation de l’affirmation de Charles Abbott en 1872 selon laquelle il aurait récupéré des artefacts paléolithiques dans les graviers de Trenton est un événement clé dans l’histoire des débuts de l’archéologie nord-américaine, avec des implications particulièrement importantes pour l’archéologie du Nord-Est. Cet article réexamine les documents historiques ainsi qu’une partie de la collection Abbott du musée de l’Université de Pennsylvanie (Penn Museum) pour affirmer que le dossier contre Abbott était sans fondement. Ainsi, plutôt qu’un triomphe de la rigueur scientifique sur la maladresse d’un amateur, le triomphe de William Henry Holmes sur Abbott était plutôt une expression de la dynamique de la discipline académique émergente de l’archéologie.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chazan, Michael</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Chain is not a Sequence: The Temporality of the Chaîne Opératoire</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Over the last ten years the concept of the chaîne opératoire has been widely adopted by North American lithic analysts. In the process the chaîne opératoire has come to be viewed as largely synonymous with reduction sequence and an emphasis has been placed on the aspect of the chaîne opératoire that recognizes the dynamic nature of stone tool production. This emphasis on the dynamic or sequential aspects of the chaîne opératoire has come at the cost of neglecting the importance the chaîne opératoire affords to the concepts that underlie technical processes. This paper will focus on the ambiguous temporality of the chaîne opératoire . Recognizing the temporal complexity of the chaîne opératoire is an important step in understanding the implications of this concept to a holistic approach to lithic analysis that includes the knowledge and skill of the knapper.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Churchill, Elizabeth</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anne English</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ceramic Figurines of The Karaja Indians: A Case Study in Stylistic Interpretation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Karaja Indians of Brazil have manufactured figurines for the tourist market since the late 1950s. Drawing on earlier traditional contexts of artistic production, the figurines are now produced almost exclusively for the tourist market. This paper traces the shifting meanings associated with Karaja figurines, the impact of cultural brokerage in production and on traditional knowledge systems and the general processes associated with the commodification of this unique form of cultural expression. The implications for stylistic interpretation form the basis for the conclusions to this paper.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural resource management and its relationships to archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Using a number of examples drawn from the Canadian scene as well as from selected foreign contexts, we will attempt an examination of various conflicting trends that can be taken as symptomatic of a growing series of malaises and contradictions identifiable at many levels of Canadian archaeology (sensu lato). More specifically, we will scrutinize and discuss the integrative mechanisms that are believed to underlie the current practice of archaeology.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cohodas, Marvin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Classic Maya as Art Historical Subject:A Call for Re-Direction</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Why has the representational art of the Maya become the focus for so many archaeologists of vastly different fieldwork experience? And why are advances in analysis of social process, such as those provided by critical theories and post-structural methodologies, so rarely applied? Does nationalism preclude embrace of certain methodologies? Do some scholars retreat into increasingly fanciful and positivist reconstructions of ancient Maya society not despite the nightmare of repression and genocide that has befallen the living Maya but in reaction to it? Indeed, the efficacy of focusing on representation may derive from older Art Historical methodologies noted for their ability to separate objects from lived econornic and political realities in order to recontextualize thern in idealized and elite-defined settings. We must formulate a methodology which resists idealizing Ancient Maya society and which reckons with the impact of academic theorizing on current political situations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mark Collard</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Kemery</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">and Samantha Banks</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Causes of Toolkit Variation Among Hunter-Gatherers: A Test of Four Competing Hypotheses</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">29</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1-19</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Variation in subsistence-related material culture is an important aspect of the archaeological and ethnographic records, but the factors that are responsible for it remain unclear. Here, we examine this issue by evaluating four factors that may affect the diversity and complexity of the food-getting tools employed by hunter-gatherer populations: 1) the nature of the food resources; 2) risk of resource failure; 3) residential mobility; and 4) population size. We apply step-wise multiple regression analysis to technological and ecological data for 20 hunter-gatherer populations from several regions of the world. The analyses support the hypothesis that risk of resource failure has a significant impact on toolkit diversity and complexity. The results do not support the hypothesis that the characteristics of the resources exploited for food influence toolkit structure, or that residential mobility affects toolkit diversity and complexity. They are also not in line with the hypothesis that population size has an impact on toolkit structure. While our analyses appear to strongly support the suggestion that resource failure risk is the primary influence on hunter-gatherer toolkit structure, we argue that it would be premature to discount the other factors at this stage, and outline the steps that we believe need to be taken next.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Malgré le fait qu&amp;rsquo;il s&amp;rsquo;agisse d&amp;rsquo;un aspect important de l&amp;rsquo;archéologie et de l&amp;rsquo;ethnologie, les facteurs responsables du changement de la culture matérielle relié à la subsistance sont encore mal connus. Nous examinons quatre facteurs qui pourraient affecter la diversité et la complexité de l&amp;rsquo;outillage de subsistance des chasseurs-cueilleurs: 1) la nature des ressources alimentaires exploitées; 2) l&amp;rsquo;éventualité de manquer de ressources; 3) la mobilité résidentielle et 4) la taille de la population. Nous utilisons la régression multiple pour analyser les données technologiques et de subsistance de 20 populations de chasseurs-cueilleurs de diverses régions du monde. Les résultats de nos analyses n&amp;rsquo;appuient pas l&amp;rsquo;hypothèse selon laquelle les caractéristiques des ressources exploitées influencent significativement la diversité et la complexité des outillages, pas plus celle soulignant l&amp;rsquo;impact d&amp;rsquo;un mode d&amp;rsquo;établissement de type &amp;laquo;mobilité résidentielle&amp;raquo; ou encore celle arguant pour l&amp;rsquo;important rôle de la taille de la population. Alors que nos données montrent surtout que la structure de la composition de l&amp;rsquo;outillage est plutôt influencée par le facteur du risque d&amp;rsquo;échec, nous suggérons cependant qu&amp;rsquo;il est encore prématuré de rejeter ces trois derniers facteurs et nous proposons des avenues de recherche additionnelles.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sean P. Connaughton</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mike Leon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Herbert</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Collaboration, Partnerships, and Relationships within a Corporate World</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">541-562</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Incorporating community involvement and collaboration in archaeological research is difficult in the best of situations, but is it even possible from within large corporate Cultural Resource Management (CRM) firms? Can archaeologists draw from established community-based participatory research (CBPR) and apply its principles to CRM archaeology? Given that commercial archaeology involves potentially multiple conflicting stakeholders, time and budget constraints, narrow work parameters, and many other intricacies, those of us seeking a more equitable approach have found the application of collaborative practices much more challenging. Using lessons learned during a major excavation project in British Columbia&amp;rsquo;s Lower Mainland, we suggest methods and techniques for bridging the gap between the academic model of community-based participatory research and the more practical considerations required of consulting archaeology. These examples represent small steps in moving towards a future where CRM helps facilitate the development of sustainable community partnerships through collaborative praxis transforming archaeology (Atalay et al. 2014).&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Intégrer l’implication et la collaboration communautaires dans la recherche archéologique est dans le meilleur des cas difficile, mais est-ce seulement possible au sein des grandes entreprises corporatives de gestion des ressources culturelles? Que peuvent tirer les archéologues des projets de recherche communautaires et ces principes sont-ils applicables dans le cadre de l’archéologie contractuelle? Puisque l’archéologie commerciale peut potentiellement impliquer plusieurs parties prenantes en conflit, des contraintes d’échéanciers et budgétaires, des paramètres de travail étroits, ainsi que plusieurs autres difficultés, ceux d’entre nous qui cherchent à appliquer une approche plus équitable ont trouvé les pratiques collaboratives difficiles à appliquer. En utilisant les leçons tirées d’un projet de fouille majeur dans le Lower Mainland de la Colombie-Britannique, nous proposons des méthodes et des techniques visant à faire le pont entre le modèle académique de l’archéologie participative communautaire et les considérations plus pratiques des archéologues consultants. Ces exemples représentent des petits pas vers un avenir où l’archéologie contractuelle facilitera le développement de partenariats communautaires durables à travers une pratique collaborative qui transformera l’archéologie (Atalay et al. 2014).</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Katherine Cook</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mary E. Compton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Digital Archaeology: On Boundaries and Futures</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">038-045</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Cook</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canoe Routes and Lithic Distributions</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The increased precipitation and colder weather over the last 5,000 years raised lake and river levels significantly improving their utility for human travel and transport. The birch bark canoe gave humans unparalleled access to food resources and larger cultural networks poorly understood today. On the Maritime Peninsula, bisected by large north to south flowing rivers whose headwaters flow from a common highland and whose east-west tributaries nearly intertwine, prehistoric people used birch bark canoes to establish a variety of routes also used by subsequent cultural groups as revealed by archaeological remains and the distribution of distinctive lithic materials.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Côté, Marc</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Leila Inksetter</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramics and Chronology of the Late Prehistoric Period: the Abitibi-Temiscamingue Case</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Since more than 10 years, the Abitibi-Temiscamingue region in Quebec has benefited from a well structured archaeological research programme. Among various discoveries, the notable presence of ceramic remains in a boreal context has been intruiging since the beginning of our researches. In effect, the discovery of this medium in important numbers, associated with other categories of archaeological remains, allows a refinement of the occupational chronology during the Late Prehistoric period of the region, and informs us quite precisely about the cultural affinities and the circulation direction of goods and ideas in the interaction networks. In this presentation, we will examine two phenomenas that we observed among some ceramic collections. It seems that the Algonquians living in the Abitibi-Temiscamingue region have, on two occasions, abandonned a ceramic tradition to adopt an other one which most likely came from outside the region. And this happened in a very short period of time. We suggest some working hypothesis to explain those facts.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Martindale</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Changing House and Household Form during the Late Prehistoric Period on the Northern Northwest Coast / La transformation des habitations et de la comm</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological evidence from two village sites in the Prince Rupert lower Skeena River area, the McNichol Creek site and the Clay Creek site, reveals significant increases in house size, as well as changes in construction technique, during the last 1500 years. Correlated with this increase in house size are changes in household form. Clearly, northern Northwest Coast households became larger and more complexly organized after 1500 BP, a period when many archaeologists argue that the ethnographic cultural pattern had become firmly established. We explore some of the implications of these changes in household organization.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Court, Emily M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Can mineralogy tell us about inequality? X-ray diffraction as an archaeological tool</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Current research at the Chalcolithic site of Tel Tsaf, Israel is focused on identifying the emergence of economic inequality. My PhD project employs a number of geology and geochemistry procedures. This paper is focused on the potential of X-ray Diffraction (XRD) in archaeological contexts. This technique is being used at Tel Tsaf to identify the mineralogy of wall and floor plaster, as well as mudbrick. It is hoped that comparing and contrasting composition can demonstrate variation in floor construction and quality of plaster. In addition, the composition of mud-bricks used to construct various architectural forms may indicate whether all the bricks were constructed using the same material and technique, or if there is variation in quality and composition of material across structures. These results may indicate either variation in use of space or an unequal access to resources.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cox, Steven L.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Stability and Change During the Pre-Dorset Period in Labrador</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Site Nuasomak-2 is located on Nuasomak Island in the Okak region of the north-central Labrador coast. The site contains a minimum of 39 Pre-Dorset structures, mostly tent rings, on a series of raised beach terraces. Investigation of the site in 1987 indicated that Pre-Dorset occupation of the island had been nearly continuous from about 4000 B.P. to about 2500 B.P. The evidence suggests a long period of cultural stability, with little change in lithic technology, lasting to about 3000 B.P., at which time there was rapid change to a Dorset-like cultural form.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan J. Crockford</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">S. Gay Frederick</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">and Rebecca J. Wigen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cape Flattery Fur Seal: An Extinct Species of Callorhinus in the Eastern North Pacific?</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">26</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">152-174</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Fur seal skeletal remains have been found in many archaeological sites on the central Northwest Coast. Although these sites lie adjacent to the annual spring migration route of Northern fur seals (Callorhinus ursinus) as they head north to the Bering Sea, evidence is mounting that the archaeological remains came from a non-migratory population. Although this is not a novel suggestion, new developments have dictated another look at the issue. Measurements of modern rookery-aged juveniles compared to archaeological fur seal remains from western Vancouver Island verify that un-weaned pups were harvested, while a virtually unknown historical document describes distinct differences in behaviour and pelage between the fur seals of Cape Flattery and C. ursinus. Although we suspect the former might have been a distinct species and deserves a full-scale taxonomic investigation, the evidence provided here nevertheless demonstrates conclusively that a locally-breeding, non-migratory population of fur seal was once well-established on the central Northwest Coast.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les restes de squelettes d&amp;#39;otarie à fourrure sont trouvés régulièrement dans la région centrale de la Côte du Nord-Ouest. Un nombre croissant de données archéologiques indiquent la possibilité d&amp;#39;une population non-migratoire d&amp;#39;otaries à fourrure de l&amp;#39;Alaska (Callorhinus ursinus), même si les sites archéologiques en question sont adjacents à la route migratoire printanière vers la mer de Béring. Cette idée n&amp;#39;est pas tout à fait nouvelle, mais les données récentes nous obligent à y jeter un nouveau regard. Les dimensions de jeunes otaries de la colonie de freux sont comparées aux restes archéologiques d&amp;#39;otaries à fourrure de la partie ouest de l&amp;#39;Ile de Vancouver et ils confirment la capture de jeunes non-sevrés. De plus, un document ancien et presque inconnu décrit les différences de comportement et de pelage des otaries à fourrure de Cape Flattery et C. ursinus. Nous soupçonnons que les otaries à fourrure de Cape Flattery pourraient représenter une espèce distincte et qu&amp;#39;ils méritent une recherche taxonomique plus approfondie. Toutefois, les données présentés ici démontrent de façon concluante qu&amp;#39;il existait une population d&amp;#39;otaries à fourrure non-migratoire qui se reproduisait dans la région centrale de la Côte du Nord-Ouest.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Croes, Dale</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mark Collard</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Katherine M. Kelly</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuity and Change on the Northwest Coast: Insights from Cladistic Analyses of Perishable and Non-Perishable Artifacts</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">It is clear from wet site archaeological research and from ethnographic collections that artifacts made of wood and fiber regularly comprised over 90% of the material culture of the populations in the Pacific Northwest prior to contact. Yet, because wood and fiber artifacts do not usually preserve well, they have not featured prominently in the efforts of archaeologists to shed light on the ancient history of human settlement in the Pacific Northwest. Rather, archaeologists working in the region have relied heavily on stone, bone-antler and shell artifacts to generate their cultural historical hypotheses. In the study reported here we used cladistic tree-building methods from evolutionary biology to investigate whether the evolution of basketry artifacts mirrors that of non-perishable artifacts. Significantly, the tree derived from the stone, bone-antler and shell data differs from the trees derived from the basketry data. The former cluster sites by traditional phase time periods, whereas the latter cluster sites geographically. This suggests that there was a difference in the transmission of information regarding the manufacture and use of the two groups of artifacts. Ideas pertaining to the artifacts made of stone, bone-antler and shell seem to have been shared widely, whereas ideas associated with the artifacts made of basketry were not. There are several possible explanations for this difference, but ethnographic evidence suggests that it is probably primarily a result of the basketry artifacts playing a role in ethnic identity signaling in a way that the stone, bone-antler and shell artifacts did not.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerimy J. Cunningham</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cautionary Tales to Cultural Translations</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In this paper, I suggest that many of the challenges faced by emerging indigenous archaeologies parallel those encountered by ethnoarchaeology. Archaeology once eagerly anticipated the new perspectives that it assumed ethnoarchaeology would bring to archaeological interpretation. However, as ethnographic knowledge increasingly challenged many of the core tropes of archaeology&#039;s conceptual models, some archaeologists began to critique ethnoarchaeology for what it saw as the production of cautionary tales and trivial knowledge. I argue that at the core of this dispute is a fundamental misunderstanding about the role of &quot;source-side&quot; research in archaeological interpretation and suggest ways that both ethnoarchaeological and indigenous perspectives can contribute to a robust archaeological enterprise.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerimy J. Cunningham</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Variation and Ethnic Holism: A Case Study from the &quot;Younge-Early Ontario Iroquoian Border&quot; in Southwestern Ontario</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">25</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-027</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Archaeologists have tended to assume that ethnic groups&amp;#39; are holistic; that they form homogeneous, coherent, and discrete social entities. In Ontario, ethnic entities are identified archaeologically through decorative patterns that indicate ethnic affiliation. In this case study, I examine the degree that holism can be identified along the hypothesized &amp;#39;Younge phase Western Basin-Early Ontario Iroquoian&amp;#39; boundary through an analysis of ceramics from the Van Bree site. While ceramic material from Van Bree indicates that a distinct ethnic border probably separated the producers of Younge and Early Ontario &amp;#39;Iroquois&amp;#39; ceramics, it also suggests that these groups did not form holistic social entities that used decorative variation to symbolize their respective ethnic identities.&amp;#39;&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les archéologues ont tendance a voir les &amp;laquo;groupes ethniques&amp;raquo; comme étant holistiques; formant des entités sociales discrètes, cohérentes et homogènes. En Ontario, les entités ethniques sont identifiées à travers les schèmes décoratifs qui indiquent leur affiliation ethnique. Dans le présent cas, nous analysons les vestiges céramiques du site Van Bree afin d&amp;#39;examiner le degré de ce holisme au long de la frontière postulé entre la phase Younge de la tradition Western Basin et la tradition Iroquoienne ancienne de l&amp;#39;Ontario. Les vestiges céramiques du site Van Bree indiquent que même s&amp;#39;il y avait une frontière ethnique distincte qui séparait les producteurs de poterie Younge et &amp;laquo;iroquoienne&amp;raquo; ancienne de l&amp;#39;Ontario, ces mêmes vestiges suggèrent aussi que ces groupes ne formaient pas des entités sociales holistiques qui utilisaient la variation décorative pour symboliser leur identités ethniques respectives.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Culturally Induced Tooth Wear Patterns In Prehistoric Canadian West Coast People</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents dental evidence for culturally induced patterns of tooth wear in precontact skeletons of the Prince Rupert Harbour region, British Columbia. In historic times the area was inhabited by the Coast Tsimshian. Two unrelated types of tooth wear were observed over and above that produced by the processes of mastication. In the mandibles of 12 people, including both sexes, the labial surfaces of anterior tooth crowns were polished. The dentine had been exposed in several instances. These wear patterns could be ascribed to the abrasive action of a stone labret. The second type of wear was evidenced by thin linear grooves on the occlusal surfaces of anterior teeth in five mandibles. All bone were those of females. This type of wear may have resulted from using the teeth to soften cedar bark fibres for the weaving of blankets. Among the historic Tsimshian, this art was the exclusive property of women.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stephen A. Davis</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contract Archaeology in Nova Scotia:The Good,The Bad and The Ugly</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The paper will provide an overview of the changing nature of archaeology in Nova Scotia. As a long time player in provincial archaeology the author has witnessed the good, the bad and the ugly. The paper will deal with issues such as the conflicts which arise when an academic dabbling in a Free Market Enterprise. The question of whether nor not there are any benefits of an academic doing contract work beyond the obvious monetary rewards will be investigated. Although not a central theme there will be some discussion contrasting the contract business in Canada with that of the U.K. again looking at conflicts and benefits. One final issue will be a discussion on the growing and potentially dangerous use of contract archaeology as a political tool. These topics will be presented with case studies to illustrate various points.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">DAWE, Bob</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Clovis Beveled Shafts: What&#039;s the Point?</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The function of cylindrical bone and ivory shafts frequently found associated with Clovis fluted points has been the subject of much discussion. Functions as foreshafts, levers for tightening binding, wedges to facilitate butchering, sled runners, and composite flintknapping devices, although appealing, in most cases seem more elaborate than their form suggests. The function as foreshafts or component parts of composite shafts, which may or may not have included stone or wood components can adequately account for the formal variation in most of these artifacts. Ethnographic examples of similar shaft construction in the arctic are considered an appropriate functional analogue.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Deal</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Current Research in Beothuk Paleoethnobotany</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ongoing paleoethnobotanical research is providing new insights into Beothuk plant use and early Beothuk-European relations. This paper reports on plant remains recovered from Beothuk components at five sites across Newfoundland. In particular, charred grape seeds from Ferryland (CgAf-2) and Russell&#039;s Point (CiAj-1), Trinity Bay, suggest friendly contact between the Beothuk and Europeans on the Avalon Peninsula during the early 17th century.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carrie L. Dennett</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Geoffrey G. McCafferty</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Institutions and Lower Central American Archaeology: An Historical Overview of Research  along the Southern Mesoamerican Periphery</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2012</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">36</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">51-66</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Canadian universities have played an important role in the founding and development of archaeological programs in lower Central America, especially with regard to the geocultural interface that exists at the southern periphery of Mesoamerica. These developments range from the establishment of basic culture history to more nuanced theoretical inquiries, particularly relating to concepts of social identity and ethnic affiliation. This paper presents a brief overview of the major contributions made by Canadian institutions and their affiliated researchers, with a focus on significant pioneering advances achieved in northeast Honduras, El Salvador, and Pacific Nicaragua.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les universités canadiennes ont joué un rôle important dans la création et le développement de programmes d’archéologie portant sur le sud de l’Amérique centrale, surtout en ce qui concerne l’interface géoculturelle présente à la périphérie méridionale de la Mésoamérique. Ces développements vont de la simple histoire culturelle jusqu’aux recherches théoriques les plus nuancées, en particulier en ce qui concerne les concepts d’identité sociale et d’affiliation ethnique. Cet article présente un bref survol des principales contributions apportées par les institutions canadiennes et leurs chercheurs affiliés, en se concentrant particulièrement sur les avancées des travaux pionniers réalisés au nord-est du Honduras, au Salvador et sur la côte pacifique du Nicaragua.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Joshua Dent</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Community-Sourced Archaeology and Relinquishing the Inception of Research</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2020</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">44</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">048-065</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Is archaeology of service beyond archaeologists? Part of a Mitacs Elevate Postdoctoral Fellowship developed in conjunction with Sustainable Archaeology at Western University and Timmins Martelle Heritage Consultants Inc., the Research Portal (&lt;a href=&quot;https://www.insituated.com/research-portal&quot; target=&quot;_blank&quot;&gt;www.insituated.com/research-portal&lt;/a&gt;) is a web-based platform capable of soliciting and communicating community-sourced research to potential academic partners. Designed to augment local capacities, foster relationships, and achieve socially meaningful and disseminated academic outcomes, the Portal inverts conventional community-based research conception. Non-academic organizations outline research objectives to which academic partners adapt or design research. Originally conceived to assist commercial archaeologists in promoting additional research related to commercial projects, the Portal’s pilot implementation quickly expanded to include other heritage communities, including Indigenous communities, not-for-profits, and a municipal government. Demand for the inclusion of additional research sectors outside of heritage suggests that this archaeology-based initiative may have wider implications. This paper explores representations of conventional collaboration, and the presumptions and promise of a more service-oriented and community-driven academic mandate.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les archéologues sont-ils capables de pratiquer une archéologie de service? Dans le cadre d’une bourse postdoctorale Mitacs Élévation en partenariat avec Sustainable Archaeology, l’Université de Western et Timmins Martelle Heritage Consultants Inc., le Portail de Recherche (&lt;a href=&quot;https://www.insituated.com/research-portal&quot; target=&quot;_blank&quot;&gt;www.insituated.com/research-portal&lt;/a&gt;) constitue une plateforme permettant la mise en ligne et la diffusion, à destination du monde académique, de projets de recherche d’initiative communautaire. Ce portail, conçu pour encourager les initiatives locales, développer les partenariats et encourager l’aboutissement et la diffusion de projets de recherche ayant une portée sociale, bouscule l’approche conventionnelle sur les projets de recherche communautaires. Il encourage les partenaires universitaires à adapter et concevoir la recherche en fonction des objectifs définis par des organisations non-académiques. Créé, à l’origine, comme un outil permettant d’aider les archéologues à promouvoir les recherches liées aux projets commerciaux, le pilote du Portail s’est rapidement enrichi pour inclure d’autres communautés liées au patrimoine, des Premières Nations, des associations à but non lucratif et une municipalité. Et ce projet à l’initiative de la communauté archéologique pourrait avoir de plus larges répercussions, comme le suggère la demande croissante d’inclure d’autres secteurs de recherche, en dehors du patrimoine. Cet article explore les représentations des partenariats conventionnels, ainsi que les ambitions et les promesses que pourraient offrir une recherche académique plus axée sur le service et à l’écoute de la communauté.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Joshua Dent</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conceptual Boxes and Political Borders: Considering Provincial and Territorial Archaeological Site Inventories</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1-23</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Originating with the systematic analysis of Canada’s eleven regional archaeological site inventory forms, this paper examines the types of information these forms collect and the inventories that aggregate this information. Identifying thematic groupings of data, analysis proceeds to narrow its focus on the culture-historical elements of site forms. Common terminologies are represented cross-jurisdictionally seguing into a discussion of the Taltheilei Tradition and its representation in six provincial and territorial inventories. The Taltheilei example draws out issues with historic and contemporary site inventory management such as the impact of changing terminologies and inconsistent data types but also speaks to the potential of inventories to inform “big data” analyses of inter-jurisdictional site information. The development of one such analytical tool, the Canadian Archeological Inventory Survey Tool (CAIST), is presented in detail. In concluding, the paper explores the promise and perils of future archaeological site inventory management.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Issus de l’analyse systématique de onze formulaires d’inventaires de sites archéologiques canadiens, cet article se penche sur les types de données récoltés par le biais de ces questionnaires ainsi que sur les inventaires qui les compilent. Grâce à l’identification de groupes de thématiques au sein de ces données, l’analyse se concentre sur les éléments culturels historiques des formulaires. Les terminologies communes sont représentées dans différentes provinces, ce qui amène à une discussion autour de la tradition Taltheilei et de sa représentation dans six inventaires provinciaux et territoriaux. Si l’exemple de Taltheilei soulève des questions quant à la gestion passée et actuelle de l’inventaire des sites, telle que celle de l’impact des terminologies fluctuantes et des modèles de données contradictoires, il met également en avant le potentiel des inventaires pour éclairer l’analyse « big data » des informations issues de site inter-juridictionnel. Le développement d’un tel outil analytique, l’Outil Enquête d’Inventaire Archéologiques Canadiens (OEIAC), est présenté de façon détaillée. Pour conclure, cet article vise à déterminer les avantages et les risques auxquels sera, dans le futur, confronté la gestion de l’inventaire des sites archéologiques.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Genevieve Dewar</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ludomir Lozny</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuity and Change in Cultural Adaptation to Mountain Environments: From Prehistory to Contemporary Threats</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">333-335</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dena F. Dincauze</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lewis R. Binford</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Constructing Frames of Reference: An Analytical Method for Archaeological Theory Building Using Ethnographic and Environmental Data Sets</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">26</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">083-087</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jordan Downey</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catequil&#039;s Lithics: Stone Tools from an Andean Complex Society</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lithic artifacts are often largely or wholly ignored by archaeologists studying complex societies. While this situation is being rectified in many parts of the world, the Andean mountains of northern Peru remain one area where very few lithic analyses have been conducted. To this end, a comprehensive analysis was conducted of all lithic artifacts from four sites associated with the Oracle of Catequil, located on and around the mountain of Cerro Icchal near the village of San José de Porcón in La Libertad, Peru. The oracle, in use between 400 CE and the Spanish arrival in 1532 CE, is a sacred site of ancestor veneration and a place of pilgrimage. Through this analysis, I am able to show the relationships between the four different sites at Cerro Icchal, as well as show how this expedient tool assemblage fits into a general model for lithic design criteria in complex societies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jonathan Driver</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stephen H. Leskon</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chaco Meridian: Centers of Political Power in the Ancient Southwest</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">26</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">236-239</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jonathan C. Driver</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Comment on Methods for Identifying Quartzite Cobble Artifacts</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">25</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">127-131</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian Dyck</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ponomarenko, Elena</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comparing Ancient Nomads of the Russian Steppes and Northern Plains</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ancient Nomads Project generated the first comparison of ancient pastoral nomads of the Russian Steppes and ancient bison-hunting nomads of the Canadian Prairies. Results are being disseminated in exhibition and book form. The exhibition is organized around nine major themes: (1) culture history, (2) environment, (3) herds, (4) travel, (5) subsistence, (6) dwellings, (7) social life, (8) spiritual life, and (9) warfare and trade. The book expands on the same themes. The project revealed amazing similarities in lifestyle and environment, but also crucial differences due to wild versus domestic herds, pedestrian versus equestrian travel, stone-rich versus stone-poor landscapes, and sparse versus moderately dense populations. It uncovered similarities and differences in the approach to archaeology in the two regions – comparable emphases on cultural resource management and culture history; but significant differences in focus – camp sites and bison-kill sites in the Northern Plains, human burials in the Russian Steppes. Sharp differences also exist in public reactions to archaeology – weak knowledge and variable interest in Canada; substantial knowledge and strong interest in Russia.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian Dyck</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Prairies Archaeology, 1886–1915: Reliance on External Interest and Expertise</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">179-204</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;After launching an ambitious program of mid-continental Canadian archaeology in the late 1870s, members of the Historical and Scientific Society of Manitoba suddenly withdrew from field archaeology after 1886. Under political and financial stress, they turned their primary attention to local Euro-Canadian history. The group declined through the turn of the century, but George Bryce and Charles Bell tried to keep interest in Manitoba archaeology alive by appealing to external organizations to take up the work. A number of outsiders did briefly get involved, people and organizations such as T.&amp;thinsp;H. Lewis and Warren Upham from Minnesota, Henry L. Reynolds from the Bureau of American Ethnology in Washington, Henry Montgomery from the University of Toronto Museum, and organizers for the Archaeological Institute of America. Although the results were mixed, most of these outsiders made improvements to the region&amp;rsquo;s archaeological record and its interpretation. The Manitoba Society&amp;rsquo;s final success, on the eve of its own demise, was in helping to create an anthropology division within the National Museum of Canada in 1910. Subsequently, the National Museum commenced archeology in Manitoba in 1912 under W.&amp;thinsp;B. Nickerson. Nickerson might have solidified the groundwork for a regional archaeology, but his work was aborted in 1915 and, together with earlier attempts, was all but forgotten.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Dans une série d&amp;rsquo;articles, Prentiss et al. (2003, 2005, 2007, 2008) ont proposé que les grands villages et les grandes résidences de la partie centrale du fleuve Fraser (en Colombie Britannique) se sont formés assez tardivement dans la préhistoire (c. 1600&amp;ndash;800 cal B.P.) et n&amp;rsquo;ont duré que quelques siècles. Selon eux l&amp;rsquo;inégalité socioéconomique s&amp;rsquo;est développée encore plus tard (c. 1200&amp;ndash;800 cal B.P.). Prentiss et al. suggèrent que les changements climatiques seraient à l&amp;rsquo;origine de ces événements ainsi que de la disparition des grands villages. Nous doutons de leurs conclusions sur plusieurs plans: des méthodes inappropriées pour déterminer la date de ces événements; des données provenant du site Keatley Creek qui indiquent un développement de plus longue durée; des interprétations paléoclimatiques qui sont incomplètes; et des contradictions au sein de leurs explications climatiques pour les changements culturels. Les preuves géochronologiques et paléoécologiques (comprenant des données jamais considérées auparavant) combinées aux preuves archéologiques favorisent l&amp;rsquo;interprétation du développement des grands villages et témoignent d&amp;rsquo;une complexité socioéconomique bien antérieure à celle envisagée par Prentiss et al. (2003, 2005, 2007, 2008).&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Ebert</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Can&#039;t Find the Patch for the Trees: Optimal Foraging and the Boreal Forest</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">While Optimal Foraging Theory (OFT) has been applied successfully in the study of contemporary hunter-gatherers in the Boreal Forest, its application archaeologically has proved somewhat more problematic. This paper reviews the basics of optimal foraging theory and then discusses the creation of habitat suitability for moose and caribou in the boreal forest of east-central Manitoba. The problems in using these suitability to define OFT patches becomes readily evident. When patches are difficult to identify, it makes the archaeological application of OFT very difficult. The paper concludes with suggestions as to why OFT has operationalization difficulties in archaeology, especially in the study area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Morley Eldridge</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural and Natural Scar Morphology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Accurate identification of origin for cultural and natural scars is becoming more important for forest management and legal evidence to help demonstrate Aboriginal Title under the Delgamuukw Decision. This paper examines the defining tree ring characteristics of natural and cultural scars on stem-round samples of cedar trees. The importance of taking multiple samples from different heights on the tree stem where there is doubt about origin is stressed. Using tree-ring analysis in combination with field observation will usually allow for absolute determination of cultural or natural origin.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Emery, Kitty F.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Convergent Results From Divergent Methods: A Tripartite Zooarchaeological Analysis of the Maya Collapse in Guatemala</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">New zooarchaeological methods are challenging models of relationships between society and the environment. My use of multiple zooarchaeological techniques in the analysis of animal bones from sites in Guatemala creates overlapping tests of environmental and social models of the Classic &quot;Maya collapse&quot;. Combined environmental reconstructions and isotopic analysis of land use reveal strong environmental stability throughout the occupation of the Petexbatun region. This result is supported by a reconstruction of dietary patterns through ecological statistics. However, detailed analyses of worked bone from the region describe changing systems of bone tool production, and suggest that &quot;collapse&quot; patterns are not a direct result of declining environmental conditions or dietary health, but instead reflect the shifting economic and political conditions of the period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John C. Erwin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Changement de nature et de fonction de Phillip&#039;s Garden : perspective diachronique d&#039;un site paléoesquimau du Dorsétien &amp;agra</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">FEDDEMA, Vicki</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Coping with the Growing Pains: CMTs as Archaeological Resources</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1997, the majority of permits issued in British Columbia by the Archaeology Branch were for forestry-related studies. In coastal regions, especially, culturally modified trees (CMTs) are the focal point of such studies. Until relatively recently, CMTs were not considered to be &#039;real&#039; archaeological resources, in the same sense as lithics, fish weirs, or petroglyphs, for example. This was primarily because it is often impossible to determine the precise date of modification of a CMT and, by extension, whether or not the CMT is protected under the Heritage Conservation Act. Without clear precedents as to how to deal with CMTs as archaeological resources, and in the absence of established standards of practice within the archaeological community, different individuals and consulting companies are dealing with CMTs in very different ways. This is creating confusion and discord among archaeologists, our forest industry clients, and the First Nations within whose traditional territories we are working.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gloria J. Fedirchuk</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Burley</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contributions to Plains Prehistory</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1987</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">11</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">209-210</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ferguson, Rob</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comment répertorier et conserver les pétroglyphes Mi&#039;kmaq du parc national Kejimkujik</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les pétroglyphes du parc national Kejimkujik ont été exécutés au siécle dernier par des familles de Mi&#039;kmaq, des chasseurs et des guides, qui habitaient et travaillaient dans la région du lac Kejimkujik. Ces gravures sur pierre établissent un lien historique direct avec la communauté Mi&#039;kmaq d&#039;aujourd&#039;hui. Plus de quatre cents images illustrent ainsi les divers aspects de la culture : religion, moyens de subsistance, culture matérielle, noms et dates. Les images sont gravées sur de l&#039;ardoise lisse, avec une précision remarquable. Comme il est difficile de reconnaître les lignes gravées des défauts de la pierre, il est pratiquement impossible de dresser un inventaire de ces gravures qui soit précis et objectif L&#039;exposé décrira briévement les gravures et expliquera les différentes méthodes utilisées au cours des cent derniéres années pour essayer de répertorier les pétroglyphes jusqu&#039;à la méthode actuelle de moulage des gravures mise au point par la Division de la conservation du Service canadien des parcs (voir le résumé de M. Harrington).</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Neal Ferris</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contact Archaeology in Southern Ontario... and Other Oxymorons</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Interpreting the early contact archaeology in southern Ontario usually begins with the assumption that contact with Europeans was an entirely unique experience to Aboriginal people, the impact of which exacerbated by a &quot;profound localism&quot; assumed previously during the Late Woodland. Central to these contact era interpretations of Aboriginal archaeology has been the assumed dominance of European interests and motivations on events and Aboriginal behaviours. Yet these are assumptions that emerge from a distinct conceptual filter: one that sees archaeology interpreted through history. A revised conceptual filter that sees history interpreted through archaeology - archaeology being an oppositional dataset to written records rather than an assumed compliment to them - leads to a very different understanding of the archaeological record. This shift in emphasis and reorientation leave the concept of &quot;contact&quot; to be an oxymoron, and demonstrates archaeological patterns and Aboriginal behaviours to be remarkably consistent with the patterns and behaviours seen archaeologically in previous - and subsequent - centuries.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Odette Boivin</style></author></authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Irving Finkel</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jonathan Taylor</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cuneiform</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2015</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">39</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">349-351</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William R. Fitzgerald</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cache (DaEh-1) Site : Deciphering a Cultural Crossroads</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L&#039;île-aux-Basques is a small island in the estuary of the St. Lawrence River located across from the mouth of the Saguenay River. Archival documents, historical accounts, and archaeological investigations reveal that the island was visited by numerous ethnic groups. Archaeological excavations conducted at the Cache (DaEh-1) site in 1992 uncovered components that include late Middle Woodland, 15th century, and mid-17th century aboriginal campsites. A diversity of non-local materials clearly indicate that this area in particular was an active cultural crossroads that not only linked the lower Great Lakes with western Europe but which also included. a north-south route that linked the Bay of Fundy with central and northern Québec. And as would be expected, local marine resources were a major attraction to the island.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William R. Fitzgerald</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Champlain&#039;s Nation Neutre: Historical and Archaeological Perspectives of the Neutral Iroquoians</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Limited but tantalizing historical accounts and a century of intensive archaeological. investigation provide a wealth of information for reconstructing the cultural evolution of the Iroquoian group that occupied the southernmost region of Ontario. The nature of Neutral Iroquoian society in existence when Champlain, Daillon, Brébeuf, and Chaumonot were in southern Ontario differs significantly from the earlier phases of Neutral development. The environmental and cultural influences that moulded and re-shaped Neutral culture during the centuries before their dispersal between 1647 and 1651 will be examined, and a revised periodization of Neutral history, based on a range of cultural traits, will be presented.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William R. Fitzgerald</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peter G. Ramsden</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Copper Based Metal Testing as an Aid to Understanding Early European-Amerindian Interaction: Scratching the Surface</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1988</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">12</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">153-161</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;A metallurgical analysis of 21 copper-based artifacts from 9 Iroquoian sites dating between A.D. 1550 and 1650, along with one sample of native copper from Algoma, suggests that a pattern is discernible in the changing metal content of these artifacts through time. The earliest samples tend to be predominantly copper, and may be difficult to distinguish from native copper, while the later ones are more likely to contain increasing amounts of other inclusions. It is suggested that this change reflects a changing industrial base in France in the late sixteenth century, and a shift from the exportation of high-quality goods to the mass production of cheaper goods specifically for the export trade.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Nous avons procédé à une analyse métallurgique de 21 artefacts de cuivre provenant de neuf sites iroquoiens datés entre A.D. 1550 et 1650, ainsi que d&amp;#39;un échantillon de cuivre natif provenant d&amp;#39;Algoma. Cette analyse montrerait que le changement observé au cours du temps est structuré. En effet, les échantillons les plus anciens ont une proportion de cuivre très élevée et ils pourraient être difficiles à distinguer du cuivre natif. Par ailleurs, les objets les plus récents ont plus de chances de renfermer plus d&amp;#39;impuretés. Ce changement pourrait réléver un changement technologique en France vers la fin du XVI siècle et ce changement se traduirait par le passage d&amp;#39;une fabrication et d&amp;#39;une exportation de biens de haute qualité à des biens de plus basse qualité réservés au commerce extérieur.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William R. Fitzgerald</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contact, Contraction, and the Little Ice Age</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The explanation of cultural developments for the Neutral Iroquoians of southern Ontario during the 16th and 17th centuries has been largely influenced by the fact that many of the changes occurred during the initial era of the European presence in eastern North America. Additional modifying factors can be attributed both directly and indirectly to other human and natural agencies through a re-evaluation of the available archaeological and ecological record.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">K. Fladmark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A comparison of sea-levels and prehistoric cultural development on the west and east coasts</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In an earlier work I proposed that the prehistory of the north-west coast could be broadly divided into 2 basic sequential culture stages: (1) an early lithic Horizon which seemed to represent a relatively simple and generalized adaptation; and (2) a later shell-midden horizon which approximates the relatively complex and specialized culture pattern of the ethnographic Pacific coast. I attempted to explain the relatively radical and synchronous shift between these &#039;horizons&#039; all along the northwest coast, about 5000-4000 B.P., as an indirect result of the quasi-stabilization of regional relative sea-levels. The fundamental theoretical assumptions were: a. attainment of a specialized &#039;climax&#039; cultural adaptation is not possible until the natural ecosystem reaches and maintains an optimum steady state; b. equilibrium of coastal ecosystems is most directly governed by the lateral location of the shoreline, and its rate of movement, which in turn is a product of various factors affecting regional sea-level, and bottom topography. Although specifically intended as a model attempting to explain northwest coast culture change, the basic concept should be applicable to any maritime region. In this paper I will apply this model to the prehistory of the Atlantic region of Canada and adjacent northern New England. Local sea-level curves and prehistoric sequences will be compared and con- trasted to those of the northwest coast. It will be argued that northeastern Atlantic sea-levels have been significantly less stable than those of the northwest coast, particularly over the last 3-5000 years. This may be a fundamental indirect cause preventing the development of complex maritime oriented cultures in late coastal Algonquian prehistory.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William J. Folan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Comnunity, Settlement and Subsistence Patterns of the Nootka Sound Area: A Diachronic Model</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A detailed analysis of all available prehistoric and historic data relating to the Nootka Sound Area, Vancouver Island, British Columbia has made possible the formation of viable inferences leading to a developmental model of the cultures inhabiting the shore of the Sound from earliest times to present. Pertinent data have been drawn principally from ethnohistoric and ethnographic sources describing, the inhabitants of Yuquot, a Nootkan village.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">T. Max Friesen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cache Point and the Origins of Inuvialuit Culture: A Preliminary Report</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Although the recent culture history of the Mackenzie Delta region is becoming relatively well known, the origins of Inuvialuit lifeways remain obscure. This paper will present the results of three field seasons at the Cache Point site, on the East Channel of the Mackenzie River. Cache Point is the best-preserved early Neoeskimo archaeological site in the region, and as such, it offers a unique glimpse of early Inuvialuit beluga hunters. While analyses of architecture, artifacts, and fauna are ongoing, a preliminary picture of precontact social and economic organization is emerging, and will be outlined here.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Garden, Mary-Catherine E.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE DIETS OF THE OFFICERS AND THE ENLISTED MEN AT HISTORIC FORT YORK (AjGu-26), TORONTO</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological excavations undertaken since 1987 at Fort York, a multi-component British Military site founded in 1793, have uncovered both a midden associated with Enlisted Men and a filled areaway adjacent to the ca. 1815 Brick Officers&#039; Mess. Faunal material from the midden and the Officers&#039; Mess was compared to determine if status differences could be detected within the faunal sample. Results suggest that there are notable differences in the subsistence patterns of the Officers and the Enlisted Men living under similar conditions. In addition, there is some indication that increases and decreases in the relative frequencies of key species within the Enlisted Men&#039;s sample can be linked to documented historical events.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GARVIN, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Culture Contact and Syncretic Behaviour on the Lower Nass River, B.C.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents some of the results of a recording and conservation project under taken by Okanagan University College at a little known, historic cemetery located at the mouth of the Nass River, 100 km north of Prince Rupert, B.C. The cemetery was established in conjunction with the founding of Kincolith Mission in 1867 by the London-based Church Missionary Society. With the introduction of Christianity and the rituals of Christian burial, traditional Nisga&#039;a interment practices were deemed unacceptable. The ideals of Victorian England and the deeply held Judeo/Christian concept of a bond between the body and soul, even after death, necessitated a sanctioned resting place for those who had &#039;died in the faith&#039;. Accordingly, the Kincolith Cemetery was established as &#039;God&#039;s half-acre&#039; for the community, and it has functioned as such up to the present day. In traditional Nisga&#039;a society, descent and kin recognition are centered around matrilineal clans organized into larger phratries. At Kincolith, the resident missionaries began converting, baptizing, and re-naming individuals according to the protocol of the Church Missionary Society. A Victorian, patrilineal system of descent and kin reckoning was imposed on the residents of the community. Assuming that individuals are buried beside those whom they consider to be their kin, the distribution of grave markers at the Kincolith Cemetery provides an opportunity to gauge the effect of this reorganization on traditional Nisga&#039;a society. In addition, grave markers are used as surrogate mortuary poles which display customary rights to rank and privilege. Many of the grave markers at the Kincolith Cemetery embody traditional, high ranking, clan crest names in their construction, thus demonstrating and validating rights of possession and inheritance.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Solène Mallet Gauthier</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allison Bain</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Heather Trigg</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Change and Continuity in Early Nineteenth-Century Foodways in Québec City’s Lower Town</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">100-130</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Plant and insect remains found in a privy structure were analyzed to gain insight into foodways of Québec City’s Lower Town inhabitants in the early nineteenth century. We use dietary practices as a window to examine how the population of the St. Roch neighbourhood responded to changes taking place in the decades that followed the instauration of the British regime and how these changes may have influenced different aspects of their food consumption practices. Through comparisons with assemblages from two French-regime sites as well as from three later nineteenth-century sites, we find that a certain continuity characterizes the plant consumption of Québec City’s French-Canadian population. We address some of the challenges of this research, as it is difficult to distinguish between consumption as a choice related to identity versus more practical considerations such as availability and access.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des restes de plantes et d’insectes retrouvés dans une structure utilisée comme latrine ont été analysés dans le but d’en apprendre plus sur les pratiques alimentaires des habitants de la Basse-Ville de Québec au début du XIXe siècle. Les pratiques alimentaires sont considérées ici afin d’examiner comment la population du quartier Saint-Roch a réagi aux changements qui ont suivi l’instauration d’un nouveau régime colonial et comment ceux-ci ont pu influencer plusieurs facettes de leur alimentation. À l’aide de comparaisons avec des assemblages provenant de deux sites datant du Régime français ainsi que de trois contextes du XIXe siècle, nous mettons en évidence le fait qu’il existe une certaine continuité dans les pratiques de consommation de végétaux chez la population canadienne-française de Québec. Nous abordons également certains des défis liés à cette recherche, puisqu’il est difficile de distinguer l’influence de l’identité de celle des questions pratiques telles que l’accès aux produits dans les choix alimentaires.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig GERLACH</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Maribeth S. Murray</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Counting Coup or Counting Calories - The Role of Whaling in Thule Origins and the Eastern Expansion</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In this paper we re-evaluate the archaeological evidence for whaling in Western Thule culture. We consider the extent to which whaling shaped Thule culture and what role, if any, whaling played in the Thule expansion into Canada. Implications for the nature of Dorset/Thule contact are also drawn out.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Variation and Population Dynamics: Interpretive Implications from a Single Selkirk Occupation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Theoretical studies of Selkirk ceramic variability have always emphasized a regional perspective when attempting to characterize prehistoric human interaction. However, though rarely considered by archaeologists, significant ceramic variability occurred within Selkirk occupations as well as between them. In fact, intra-site variability in style, manufacture and use of ceramics can reflect a wide variety of human interactions that are usually not detectable at the regional, inter-site level of interpretation. Some of these intra-site ceramic behaviours have profound implications for our understanding of regional Selkirk variability as reflected in the ceramic record. This paper will discuss some types of intra-site ceramic behaviour which are of potential import to regional interpretation of the Selkirk Composite, drawing upon specific data collected from Bushfield West, a large single component Selkirk camp-site located in central-eastern Saskatchewan.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ginns, Janette M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conception Bay Underwater Survey 1988</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Four harbours in Conception Bay, on the northern shore of the Avalon Peninsula of Newfoundland, became the target of a series of short surveys undertaken by avocational divers with the Newfoundland Marine Archaeology Society. A total of eleven underwater sites were identified at Brigus, Bay Roberts, Harbour Grace and Bristol&#039;s Hope. These sites have been registered and include shipwrecks, anchorage points, old wharves, midddens, and related shoreline activity areas. Documentary sources indicate that Conception Bay was known to Europeans in the 16th century and was the first area of English influence in Newfoundland in the early 17th century. The settled population gradually increased and strong mercantile interests were established in the 18th and 19th centuries. Archaeological surveys on land have produced limited historical data for the area and no systematic underwater archaeological surveys had been conducted until this time. The results of the underwater survey in Conception Bay will be discussed. This will include an assessment of the contribution made to the inventory of submerged cultural resources in Newfoundland waters, communications with historical societies and people in local communities to protect the marine heritage, and the experience provided to divers to become involved in archaeological surveys in the province.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Graham, Shawn</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Community Building and Archaeology: An Experience in Western Quebec</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents a case study about a project to establish a public-archaeology programme in Pontiac High School in Western Quebec. In partnership with the schoolboard, the school, the local community development office, the Provincial Government and the municipality of the Village of Shawville, the &#039;Pontiac High Archaeology Corps&#039; was established to help develop a new &#039;heritage park&#039; on the grounds of a 19th century brickyard. The students&#039; role was to help conduct the evaluation excavations to determine the extent and nature of any remains, for much of the brickyard had been destroyed through nearly a century of farming. In this paper we present the &#039;Pontiac High Archaeology Corps&#039; and their on-going activities (which we help supervise) as a model for integrating archaeology into the community, and as a driver for social growth in small rural communities.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GRAY, Nadine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chultunob at X-ual-canil, Belize</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">During the 1996 and 1997 field seasons, two chultunob were excavated at the site of X-ual-canil in the Cayo District of Belize, Central America. These sub-surface features have been the focus of discussion and curiosity since the initial investigation in Central America began. An attempt to determine the function of these features within the X-ual-canil site prompted the excavation of these chultunob. The purpose of our continuing excavations in the 1998 field season is to define the construction and usage pattern of the chultunob at this site. Unlike the chultun or cisterns of the Northern Maya Lowlands which were utilized as water catchment areas, the chultunob of the Southern Maya Lowlands appear to serve two functions: human burial and possibly storage chambers. This paper will discuss the excavation of these two chultunob, the associated artifacts and the osteology report. I will also briefly discuss the site of X-ual-canil and its association and connection to other sites in the Belize Valley.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nancy A. Greene</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David C. McGee</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roderick J. Heitzmann</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Comox Harbour Fish Trap Complex:  A Large-Scale, Technologically Sophisticated  Intertidal Fishery from British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2015</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">39</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">161-212</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Results of highly detailed mapping and radiocarbon dating at a vast and largely unknown intertidal fish trap complex indicate a large-scale, technologically sophisticated Aboriginal trap fishery operated at Comox Harbour, Vancouver Island, British Columbia between about 1,300 and 100 years ago. Two temporally and morphologically distinct trap types were utilized, and the shift from the Winged Heart trap type to the Winged Chevron trap type ca.&amp;nbsp;700&amp;nbsp;B.P. appears abrupt and closely coincident with Little Ice Age climatic conditions and increased importance of salmon at Aboriginal village sites on west coast Vancouver Island, at Haida Gwaii (Queen Charlotte Islands) and south coast Alaska. Drawing comparisons from closely analogous historical and contemporary North American large-scale traps designed with knowledge of fish behaviour, the Winged Heart and Winged Chevron traps were likely designed to mass harvest herring and salmon, respectively. This study contributes to the wider consideration of marine adaptation on the Pacific Northwest Coast.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La cartographie très détaillée et la datation au radiocarbone à un intertidale complexe de piège poissons vaste et largement inconnu indiquent une grande échelle, technologiquement sophistiqué pêcherie autochtone exploité à Comox Harbour, île de Vancouver, en Colombie-Britannique entre 1,300 et 100 ans. Deux types de pièges temporellement et morphologiquement distinctes ont été utilisées, et le changement du type de piège « Winged Heart » à type de piège « Winged Chevron » environ de 700&amp;nbsp;A.A. semble abrupte et étroite coïncide avec le passage à Petit Âge Glaciaire conditions climatiques et l’importance accrue de saumon sur les sites des villages autochtones sur la côte ouest de l’île de Vancouver, à Haida Gwaii (îles de la Reine-Charlotte) et la côte sud de l’Alaska. D’établir des comparaisons de très analogues pièges à grande échelle en Amérique du Nord historiques et contemporains conçus avec la connaissance du comportement des poissons, les pièges « Winged Heart » et « Winged Chevron » ont probablement été conçues pour la récolte massive du hareng (et autres bancs de poissons pélagiques similaires) et le saumon, respectivement. Cette étude contribue à l’examen plus large de l’adaptation maritime sur la côte nord-ouest du Pacifique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">François Guindon</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sonya Atalay</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Community-Based Archaeology: Research with, by and for Indigenous and Local Communities</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">338-340</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Haley, S.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cobble choppers on the northwest coast: a re-examination</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cobble choppers, seemingly ubiquitous stone tools found in archaeological sites all over the northwest coast of North America, were examined using a technological perspective combining attribute analysis with gross use-wear analysis. This analysis of material from the Crescent Beach site led to the development of two hypothetical models: 1) a manufacture/use/maintenance system and 2) a curation model. Both of these models suggest that cobble choppers have a long and complex use-life possibly involving shifts in form and function through a predetermined sequence. This paper outlines the two models and discusses some of their implications.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halwas, Sarah</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Current Palaeoethnobotanical Research in the Maritimes: New Information from the Clam Cove Site, Nova Scotia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent palaeoethnobotanical research carried out at the Clam Cove site in the Minas Basin region of Nova Scotia has added new information to the study of Late Woodland hunter-gatherer groups in this area. Although this small midden site is considered to be in a marginal area, the large clam bed located near the site, and the modest compliment of plant and animal species made this location suitable as a temporary camp during lithic collection trips to Davidson&#039;s Cove, a quarry site across Scots Bay. Evidence of previously unknown species to the Clam Cove site, including beech (Fagus grandifolia), poplar (Populus sp.), strawberries (Fragaria sp.) and blueberries (Vaccinium sp.) have been recovered through flotation and charcoal analysis. This information will be compared to habitation sites in the area to gain insight into the movement of people during the Late Woodland.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Leonard C. Ham</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cohoe Creek Site: A Late Moresby Tradition Shell Midden</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1990</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">199-221</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael J. Hambacher</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">G. William Monaghan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Kolb</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel R. Hayes</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathryn Egan-Bruhy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cost/Benefit Analysis and Deep Test Protocol based on the Minnesota Deep Test Protocol Project</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A recent study, funded by the Minnesota Department of Transportation, compared the results and costs of various methods for discovering and evaluating buried archaeological sites. These methods included remote sensing (magnetometry, resistivity, and GPR), small-diameter, solid-earth coring (GeoProbe), and backhoe trenching. This presentation compares the costs and benefits of the methods and discusses the protocol we propose for buried sites discovery and evaluation. Analysis of the data indicates that the implementation of a multi-disciplinary approach to the exploration for and evaluation of buried archaeological sites meets the goals of the investigative process in a cost effective fashion. Implementation of this protocol since its development continues to demonstrate its effectiveness.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Margaret G. Hanna</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Clearwater Lake Punctate Pottery of P.G. Downes</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">117-143</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Prentice G. Downes, an American teacher and historian/geographer, received some pottery and other artifacts from a local trapper while canoeing on Reindeer Lake in northern Saskatchewan in 1936 and 1937. In 1938, he published a brief comment on this pottery in American Antiquity, making this the first published report of what we now call Clearwater Lake Punctate Type of the Selkirk Composite. Downes&amp;#39; information about the location of the site suggests it was found at Ochankugahe Island at the mouth of Wapus Bay, but this cannot be confirmed. Five Clearwater Lake Punctate vessels are represented in the collection. Downes&amp;#39; pottery is used to assess the hypothesis that pottery from the Reindeer Lake area may be a regional variant of the Clearwater Lake Complex of the Selkirk Composite. The Downes collection demonstrates the research potential of small collections acquired many years ago.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;En 1936 et 1937, lorsque l&amp;rsquo;enseignant, historien et géographe américain, Prentice G. Downes, canotait sur le lac Reindeer dans le nord de la Saskatchewan, un trappeur local lui a remis de la poterie et d&amp;rsquo;autres objets. En 1938, il a publié de brèves observations au sujet de cette poterie dans la revue American Antiquity, ce qui était en fait le premier rapport public sur ce qu&amp;rsquo;on appelle aujourd&amp;rsquo;hui le type Clearwater Lake Punctate de la composite Selkirk. Selon les informations de M. Downes au sujet de l&amp;rsquo;emplacement de ce site, il semblerait que cette poterie ait été trouvée à l&amp;rsquo;île Ochankugahe (Sask.) située à l&amp;rsquo;embouchure de la baie Wapus (Sask.), mais ceci ne peut pas être confirmé. Cinq vases du style Clearwater Lake Punctate sont présentés dans la collection. La poterie de M. Downes est utilisée pour évaluer l&amp;rsquo;hypothèse où la poterie de la région du lac Reindeer peut être une variante régionale du complexe Clearwater Lake de la composite Selkirk. La collection Downes démontre la possibilité de faire des recherches sur les petites collections acquises il y a plusieurs années.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kelley Hays-Gilpin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comments on &quot;A Possible Fluteplayer Picotgraph Site Near Exshaw, Alberta&quot;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">26</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">197-198</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James J. Hester</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comments: The Early Period in Northwest Coast Prehistory</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">229-231</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tanya Higgins</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Erica Gibson</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Makers’ Marks</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2012</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">36</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">345-347</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lisa M. Hodgetts</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patricia D. Sutherland</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contributions to the Study of the Dorset Palaeo-Eskimos</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">113-116</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald H. Holly Jr.</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard B. Lee</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard Daly</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">316-318</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ken Holyoke</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig M. Johnson</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chipped Stone Technological Organization: Central Place Foraging and Exchange on the Northern Great Plains</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">203-205</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">M. Gabriel Hrynick</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David W. Black</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Continuity in Maritime Woodland Period Domestic Architecture in the Quoddy Region</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">023-067</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Evidence of Maritime Woodland period (ca. 3150&amp;ndash;ca. 550 B.P.) domestic architecture from the Quoddy Region of New Brunswick and Maine has been identified and reported since the late nineteenth century. Here we summarize this evidence, reinterpret it in light of recent high-resolution studies of prehistoric (pre-contact) domestic features in Nova Scotia, and report a recent study addressing domestic architectural features in the Maine Quoddy Region. Overall, this evidence suggests an aboriginal architectural tradition, and continuity in the organization of domestic space, spanning the Maritime Woodland period and extending into the recent historic period. Within this tradition there is evidence for variability and change in the placement of structures and perhaps in the intensity and duration of occupation. We argue that domestic architecture may be a particularly salient focus through which to study cultural continuity and change in hunter-gatherer society, because it is an important arena for social reproduction, structured by the relationships among social actors.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;L&amp;rsquo;évidence de l&amp;rsquo;architecture domestique durant la période Sylvicole (env. 3150&amp;ndash;env. 550 B.P.) à la région&amp;nbsp;de Quoddy&amp;nbsp;de&amp;nbsp;Nouveaux&amp;nbsp;Brunswick et de l&amp;rsquo;État du Maine a souvent été identifiée et signalée depuis la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Ici ont présent un résumé de cette évidence, fait une réinterprétation en considérant des études récentes, à haute résolution, des caractéristiques domestiques préhistoriques chez la Nouvelle-Écosse et fait un report des études récent de la région&amp;nbsp;Quoddy&amp;nbsp;dans l&amp;rsquo;État du Maine qui faire face ses caractéristiques. Sur toute cette évidence suggère une tradition architecturale aborigène et une continuité dans l&amp;rsquo;organisation des espaces domestiques durant la période Sylvicole qui a continué au temps historique. Il y a de l&amp;rsquo;évidence pour la variabilité et des changements dans le placement des structures, pis peut-être des changements en intensité et durée d&amp;rsquo;occupation, dans cette tradition. Ont fait l&amp;rsquo;argument que l&amp;rsquo;étude de l&amp;rsquo;architecture domestique peut être utilisée pour l&amp;rsquo;étude de la continuité culturelle et les changements dans les sociétés de chasseurs-cueilleurs, accuse de son importance pour reproduction sociale, structurée par les&amp;nbsp;relations&amp;nbsp;entre&amp;nbsp;les acteurs sociaux.&lt;br /&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan M. Jamieson</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reid</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Collected Archaeological Papers (Melvin); Three Heritage Studies (Melvin) and Studies in West Patricia Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1980</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">185-187</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mima Brown Kapches</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadians and the Founding of the Society for American Archaeology (1934–1940s)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">053-076</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In December of 1934 the Society for American Archaeology was officially constituted. In 1935, in an effort to grow the membership, professional archaeologists were asked to propose members who they endorsed to become affiliated with the SAA. The two professional archaeologists in Canada at that time, Diamond Jenness and William J. Wintemberg of the Dominion Museum, Ottawa, proposed names of individuals across Canada who were collectors, museum curators, and historians. A small number suggested for membership joined, but most did not. This was an interesting period in North American archaeology as professionals worked in committees to establish cultural and temporal frameworks of the archaeological past, establish excavation guidelines, and lobby against the sale of antiquities. Some Canadian avocationals who joined were positively impacted by their association with American archaeologists and their legacies continue through to today. The bottom line is that there were very few professional archaeologists in Canada following Wintemberg’s death in 1941, and that lack coupled with WWII, meant that Canadians looking for professional support and guidance looked to the south of the border. The Society for American Archaeology was important for the growth and development of Canadian archaeology during this time.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La Society for American Archaeology a vu le jour officiellement en 1934. En 1935, avec l’objectif d’augmenter l’effectif de la société, on demanda aux archéologues professionnelles de suggérer des personnes pour devenir membres associés avec la SAA. Deux archéologues professionnels au Canada à cette époque, Diamond Jenness et William&amp;nbsp;J. Wintemberg, tous deux du Dominion Museum d’Ottawa, proposèrent les noms d’individus d’à travers le Canada qui étaient soit des collectionneurs, des conservateurs de musée ou des historiens. Seul un petit nombre des gens suggérés joignirent; la plupart ne sont pas devenus membres. C’était une époque intéressante pour l’archéologie nord-américaine. Les professionnels travaillaient en comités pour établir les cadres de références culturelles et chronologiques du passé archéologique, tentaient d’établir des normes de fouilles et militaient contre le troc d’objets anciens. Quelques archéologues amateurs canadiens, qui étaient devenus membres, furent influencés de façon positive en s’associant aux archéologues américains et encore de nos jours nous tirons toujours profit de leurs legs. En fin de compte, il y avait très peu d’archéologues professionnels au Canada suivant le décès de Wintemberg en 1941. Ce manque d’archéologues, combiné avec la Seconde Guerre mondiale qui faisait rage, fit que les Canadiens devaient aller au sud de la frontière afin d’y trouver conseils et appuis professionnels. La SAA joua un rôle important au niveau du développement de l’archéologie canadienne à cette époque.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Keenlyside</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Clyde C. Kennedy (1917-1987)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1988</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">12</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">218-222</style></pages></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Kelley</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles Eyman (1933-1990)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">235</style></pages></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Helen Kristmanson</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jordan E. Kerber</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cross-Cultural Collaboration: Native Peoples and Archaeology in the United States</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">126-128</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">LANGEMANN, E. Gwyn</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greaves</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Curiosities, Collectors and Housepits in Banff National Park: The First Protected Archaeological Site in Canada</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2015</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">39</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">47-81</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper considers the beginnings of archaeological research in Banff National Park and the prominent role played by a housepit site at the Banff Springs golf course. As the Rocky Mountains were first explored, Banff was a focus for early scientific activity, including archaeology. Foremost among the amateur collectors in the late 19th and early 20th century were Bill Peyto, guide and warden, and Norman Bethune Sanson, curator of the Banff Park Museum. Professional archaeologist Harlan I. Smith came to Banff in 1913 from the Victoria Memorial Museum in Ottawa to bring order to the Banff Park Museum collections. All three were involved in recording the housepit site, the first professional archaeological work in Alberta, resulting in the first formally protected archaeological site in Canada. While archaeologists have since discovered housepit sites in other parts of Banff NP, they are unknown elsewhere in the province or in the Rocky Mountains. Without the historic record, modern archaeologists would be unaware of a significant site that was ultimately destroyed, even though it was in a protected area.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cet article examine les premières recherches archéologiques du parc national de Banff et le rôle important d’un site de fosse de maison au terrain de golf Banff Springs. Lorsque les montagnes Rocheuses aient été originalement peuplées, Banff fut un centre d’activités scientifiques qui incluent l’archéologie. Premiers parmi les collectionneurs amateurs à la fin du 19e siècle et au début du 20e siècle se retrouvent Bill Peyto, guide et gardien, et Norman Bethune Sanson, conservateur du Musée du Parc Banff. L’archéologue professionnel Harlan I. Smith vint à Banff en 1913 du Musée commémoratif Victoria à Ottawa pour rétablir l’ordre aux collections du Musée du Parc Banff. Tous les trois furent impliqués à tenir compte du site de fosse de maison, les premiers travaux archéologiques en Alberta. Ceci abouti au premier site archéologique étant formellement protégé au Canada. Quoique les archéologues ont, depuis, découvert des sites de fosses de maisons dans d’autre part du Parc national de Banff, ils sont inconnus ailleurs dans la province et dans les montagnes Rocheuses. Sans le record historique, les archéologues modernes n’auraient pas été au courant d’un site significatif qui fut ultimement détruit, bien qu’il soit dans une zone protégée.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Raymond LeBlanc</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mobley</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Campus Site—A Prehistoric Camp at Fairbankz, Alaska</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">122-123</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dana Lepofsky</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Teresa Trost</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jesse Morin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Coast Salish Interaction: A View from the Inlets</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">190-223</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Ethnographic and archaeological accounts document a complex web of socio-economic and religious networks among Coast Salish communities. While these accounts provide a general understanding of interactions among some Coast Salish groups, our knowledge of social relations among specific groups is uneven. In particular, we know little about social interactions among the people living in upper Burrard Inlet and Indian Arm (the &amp;quot;Inlet Locality&amp;quot;). We analyze faunal remains, plant remains, and lithics recovered from Late Phase (&amp;nbsp;1200-250_BP) deposits of the settlement of Say-Umiton (DhRr-18) and compare these results to data collected from the previously excavated sites of Tum-tu-may-whueton (Belcarra Park) and Whey-Ah-Wichen (Cates Park). In particular, we use the source and abundance of archaeological remains as a proxy for determining the degree of interaction among the inlet peoples and between the inlet peoples and other communities. Our results demonstrate that the overwhelming majority of resources recovered at these settlements were acquired locally and few resources were acquired from outside the Inlet Locality. This suggests that while the people of the Inlets were linked to broader socio-economic spheres, their interactions were firmly rooted in the Inlet Locality. These data support the idea that in the past, as today, the people of the Inlets formed a regional social network within the broad Coast Salish social continuum.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des documents ethnographiques et archéologiques attestent d&amp;#39;un ensemble complexe de réseaux socio-économiques et religieux parmi les communautés Coast Salish. Si ces documents favorisent une compréhension globale des interactions entre certains groupes Coast Salish, notre connaissance des relations sociales entre groupes spécifiques demeure inégale. Plus particulièrement, nous savons peu de choses sur les interactions sociales entre les populations du Haut Détroit de Burrard et celles du Détroit d&amp;#39;Indian Arm (&amp;quot;Région du Détroit&amp;quot;). Nous avons analysé des restes fauniques, végétaux, et lithiques associés à des dépôts de la Phase Récente (~1200-250_BP) au site d&amp;#39;habitation de Say-Umiton, et comparé ces résultats aux données des sites Tum-tu-may-whueton (Belcarra Park) et Whey-Ah-Wichen (Cates Park), fouillés antérieurement. Plus particulièrement, la source et l&amp;#39;abondance des vestiges archéologiques nous ont servi de baromètre pour déterminer le degré d&amp;#39;interactions entre les populations du détroit, de même qu&amp;#39;entre les populations du détroit et d&amp;#39;autres communautés. Nos résultats démontrent que la grande majorité des ressources retrouvées dans ces sites d&amp;#39;habitation ont été acquises localement, et que peu de ressources proviennent de l&amp;#39;extérieur de la Région du Détroit. Ceci suggère que, même si les populations des détroits étaient intégrées à l&amp;#39;intérieur de vastes sphères socio-économiques, leurs interactions demeuraient fermement enracinées au sein de la Région du Détroit. Ces données supportent l&amp;#39;idée que dans le passé, comme aujourd&amp;#39;hui, les populations des détroits formaient un réseau social régional à l&amp;#39;intérieur de l&amp;#39;univers social Coast Salish.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Matthew A. Beaudoin</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brad Loewen</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contact in the 16th Century: Networks among Fishers, Foragers and Farmers</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2017</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">41</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">338-339</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Timothy C. Losey</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gabriella Prager</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A consideration of the effects of the demise of bison on the subsistence economy of Fort Victoria: A late 19th century Hudson&#039;s Bay Company Post</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1975</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">162-182</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mary E. Malainey</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gord Hill</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Monique Brandt</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beryth Strong</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Collaborative Public Archaeology in Manitoba: The Rural Museum Archaeological Outreach Project at Brandon University</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2017</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">41</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">330-337</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In collaboration with the Manitoba Archaeological Society (MAS) and Association of Manitoba Museums (AMM), the Department of Anthropology at Brandon University (BU) developed a project in support of rural museums in southwestern Manitoba. The project provided museums with identifications of their precontact artifacts, gave senior undergraduate archaeology students valuable career-related experience and produced a research-quality database of the material held by three rural museums. Student participants were enrolled in a six-week long summer course called 12:441 Rural Museum Archaeological Outreach that was offered for the first time in the summer of 2015. It was deemed a success by the students, participating museums and collaborating organizations. The approach may inspire other university, archaeological society, and museum association partnerships in different parts of Canada. For those interested, a more detailed description and discussion of this project is published in Manitoba Archaeological Journal, Volume 27 and available in the fall of 2017.</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">En collaboration avec le Manitoba Archaeological Society (MAS) et l’Association of Manitoba Museums (AMM), le Département d’anthropologie à Brandon University (BU) a élaboré un projet d’appui aux musées ruraux dans le sud-ouest du Manitoba. Le projet a fourni aux musées des identifications de leurs artefacts pré-contact, a donné aux finissants de premier cycle en archéologie une précieuse expérience professionnelle et a produit une base de données de qualité de recherche du matériel conservé dans trois musées ruraux. Les étudiants qui ont participé ont été inscrits à un cours estivale de six semaines appelé 12:441 Rural Museum Archaeological Outreach qui a été offert pour la première fois en été 2015. Il a été considéré comme un succès par les étudiants, les musées participants et organismes collaborateurs. L’approche peut inspirer la création d’autres partenariats entre les universités, les sociétés archéologiques et les associations des musées dans les différentes régions du Canada. Pour ceux qui sont intéressés, une description plus détaillée et la discussion de ce projet sont publiées dans le Manitoba Archaeological Journal, Volume 27, et seront disponibles à l’automne 2017.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roger Marois</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edward Jelks</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comparative Study of French, English, Spanish and Portuguese Terms Related to Prehistoric Pottery Decoration Techniques</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1986</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">10</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">145-165</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This study constitutes an effort to standardize some French, English, Spanish and Portuguese terms related to the technical aspects of prehistoric ceramic decoration, the purpose being to facilitate understanding and comparison of data within the same language and from one language to another. First presented as a working document, this revised study now expresses the views of the Archaeology Work Group, Pan American Institute of Geography and History. The identification of problems, the will to find solutions and the objective contribution of each participant have enabled us to overcome linguistic barriers within the international community. This pooling of human and financial resources resulted in new perspectives on the skill, creativity and aesthetics of prehistoric potters.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cette étude constitue un effort de normaliser en français, en anglais, en espagnol et en portugais les termes reliés à l&amp;#39;aspect technique de la décoration de la céramique préhistorique afin de faciliter la compréhension ainsi que la comparaison des données à l&amp;#39;intérieur de chaque langue à l&amp;#39;autre. D&amp;#39;abord présentée comme document de travail, cette étude exprime maintenant le point de vue du Groupe de travail en archéologie, Institut panaméricain de géographie et d&amp;#39;histoire. L&amp;#39;identification des problèmes, la volonté d&amp;#39;y apporter des solutions et la contribution objective de chacun ont permis à cette étude de faire éclater les barrières linguistiques à l&amp;#39;intérieur de la communauté internationale. Cette mise en commun des ressources humaines et financières a conduit à jeter un éclairage nouveau sur l&amp;#39;habileté, la créativité et le sens esthétique des potiers et des potières préhistoriques.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. G. Matson</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine M. Cameron</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chaco and After in the Northern San Juan: Excavation at the Bluff Great House</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">313-316</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. G. Matson</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">B. Hayden</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Complex Culture of the British Columbia Plateau, Traditional Stl&#039;atl&#039;imx Resource Use</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">18</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">156-160</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Geoffrey G. McCafferty</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sharisse D. McCafferty</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Contributions to Mesoamerican Gender Studies</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2012</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">36</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">67-81</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Fifty years ago archaeologists called for a more anthropological perspective on the archaeological past; 25 years later a handful of archaeologists began the investigation of an engendered past. Due to the rich archaeological, ethnohistorical, and art historical evidence available for the study of pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, this region has been the subject of numerous gender studies. Scholars from the University of Calgary have been at the forefront of this movement, beginning with the 1989 Chacmool conference, The Archaeology of Gender, the first international gathering on the subject. The theme was recently revisited with the Que(e)rying Archaeology conference. This paper outlines Canadian contributions to the field of Mesoamerican gender.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Il y a cinquante ans, certains archéologues ont suggéré une vue sur le passé qui refléterait d’avantage une perspective anthropologique; 25 ans plus tard, quelques archéologues ont commencé l’étude d’un passé qui se rendait compte des différences du genre. A cause de la richesse de l’évidence de l’histoire de l’art, de l’archéologie et de l’ethnologie sur la Mésoamérique pré-colombienne, cette région a été le sujet de nombreuses études sur le genre. Des spécialistes de l’Université de Calgary ont été au premier plan de ce mouvement depuis la conférence Chacmool en 1989 (la première réunion internationale au sujet de l’Archéologie du genre). On a revu ce thème récemment à la conférence Que(e)rying Archaeology. Cet article passe brièvement en revue les contributions canadiennes au domaine du genre aux études mésoaméricaines.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allen P. McCartney</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conservation archaeology in the Canadian Arctic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title><tertiary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Symposium on Conservation Archaeology and Archaeological Resource Management presented at the 9th Annual Meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association, April 29–May 2, 1976 at Winnipeg, Manitoba</style></tertiary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">162-175</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alan D. McMillan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Changing Views of Nuu-Chah-Nulth Culture History: Evidence of Population Replacement in Barkley sound</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">22</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">005-018</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Most reconstructions of Nuu-chah-nulth culture history, including the generalized West Coast culture type, are based primarily on the lengthy cultural sequence known from Yuquot, at the entrance to Nootka Sound. More recent work further to the south has raised questions about past interpretations. Excavations at Ch&amp;#39;uumat&amp;#39;a, in western Barkley Sound, revealed an occupational history spanning much the same time period as Yuquot. Materials from the earlier levels at this site most closely resemble those known from the Strait of Georgia, particularly in the Locarno Beach stage, suggesting a long period of occupation prior to Nuu-chah-nulth arrival.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La plupart des schémas historico-culturels Nuu-chah-nulth, y inclus le type généralisé de la Côte-Ouest, se basent principalement sur la longue séquence culturelle connue du site Yoquot, situé à l&amp;rsquo;entrée du détroit Nootka. Des travaux récents effectués plus au sud remettent en question les interprétations passés. Les fouilles au site de Ch&amp;rsquo;uumat&amp;rsquo;a, situé dans la partie occidentale du détroit Barkely, on révélé une séquence d&amp;rsquo;occupation qui s&amp;rsquo;étale sur plus ou moins la même période qu&amp;rsquo;à Yuquot. Des artefacts trouvés dans les couches anciennes de ce gisement s&amp;rsquo;apparentent à des objets trouvés sur les rives du détroit de Georgia et plus particulièrement dans les sites de la phase Locamo Beach. Ceci impliquerait une longue période d&amp;rsquo;occupation avant l&amp;rsquo;arrivée des Nuu-chah-nulth.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Meyer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A component in the Scottsbluff Tradition: Excavations at the Niska Site</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1985</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">9</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-037</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Niska site (DkNu-3) is situated in southwestern Saskatchewan, about midway between the towns of Ponteix and Aneroid. Cultivation and subsequent wind erosion have resulted in the disturbance and exposure of a substantial Paleo-Indian component here. A number of artifacts, obviously related to the Cody complex, were collected here in the 1970&amp;#39;s and early 1980&amp;#39;s by a local avocational archaeologist, Henri Liboiron. These tools included two stemmed projectile points, four Cody knives, and numerous endscrapers (several with lateral spurs). Testing of this site area by Saskatchewan Research Council archaeologists in 1982 resulted in the identification of some remaining areas of intact Paleo-Indian occupation. Since these archaeological remains appear to be of considerable significance and as they were in danger of disturbance due to cultivation and wind erosion, a small-scale excavation was conducted here in May of 1983. Two ares of in situ Paleo-Indian occupational remains were exposed. These remains were positioned within a well-defined paleosol in an area of aeolian sand deposits. Three projectile point stems were found in the course of excavation as well as six endscrapers, a combination perforator/concave uniface and much debitage. Like the tools, the latter was of fine-grained siliceous materials, including brown chalcedony (Knife River Flint), porcellanite and jasper. Faunal remains were numerous, albeit fragmentary; the latter condition a result of deliberate breakage by the site occupants, followed by deterioration through time. Those remains which could be identified to species were all bison. One of the excavation blocks exposed much of a well defined habitation area, centred on a concentration of burned and calcined bone fragments which is interpreted as a hearth location. A knapping area was situated on the north side of this hearth while an endscraper, a point stem fragment and many raw bone fragments on the south side of the hearth provide evidence of other activities there. Flecks and larger bits of a red paint material were scattered across the habitation area. Raw bone from this excavation block has been dated to 7,165 B.P. while a paleosol sample has dated at 7,000 B.P. These dates are considered to be at least a millenium too recent. While the Niska site assemblage is obviously within the &amp;#39;Scottsbluff Tradition&amp;#39;, the style of its projectile points differentiates it from described complexes such as Cody and Little Gem. Questions remain, therefore, regarding the dating of this Paleo-Indian component and its cultural relationship to other complexes in the Scottsbluff Tradition.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Le site Niska (Dk Nu 3) se trouve dans le sud-ouest de la Saskatchewan, à mi-chemin entre les villages de Ponteix et d&#039;Aneroid. Les travaux de culture et l&#039;érosion due au vent ont amené la découverte ici d&#039;un élément paléoindien important. Un certain nombre d&#039;artéfacts appartenant de toute évidence au complexe Cody furent recueuillis ici-même dans les années 1970 et au début des années 1980 par Henri Liboiron, un archéologue de la région. Ces outils comprenaient deux pointes de projectiles à cannelure, quatre couteaux Cody, et plusieurs racloirs (dont certains avec éperons latéraux). L&#039;examen du site à cet endroit par le Conseil de la Recherche de la Saskatchewan en 1982 a mené à l&#039;identification de zones demeurées intactes qui témoignent d&#039;une occupation paléoindienne. Puisque ces restes archéologiques semblaient d&#039;une importance considérable, et comme ils couraient le risque d&#039;être perturbés par les cultures et l&#039;érosion éolienne qu&#039;on associe aux travaux dans les champs, nous avons ici procédé à des fouilles sur petite échelle en mai 1983. Deux aires comprenant des restes paléoindiens d&#039;occupation in situ furent ainsi exposés. Ces restes étaient ensuite situés dans un paléosol bien défini, à l&#039;intérieur des zones de sédiments sablonneux. On a retrouvé au cours des fouilles trois pointes de projectile et six racloirs, une combinaison d&#039;uniface perçoir/concave et beaucoup de débitage. Comme dans le cas des outils, le débitage est fait de matériel silicieux à petit grain incluant de la calcédoine brune (silex de Knife River), de la porcellanite ct du jaspe. Les restes fauniques étaient nombreux, quoique fragmentaires; cet état résultant du bris occasionné délibérément par les occupants du site, suivi de la détérioration causée par le temps. Ces restes, qui purent être identifiés à l&#039;espèce, s&#039;avérèrent tous de bison. Un des blocs de fouille a révélé une zone d&#039;habitation bien définie, centrée sur une concentration de fragments osseux calcinés qu&#039;on croit être l&#039;emplacement d&#039;un foyer. On retrouve une aire de débitage sur le coté nord du foyer alors qu&#039;un racloir, un fragment d&#039;emmanchement de pointe et plusieurs fragments osseux intacts au sud du foyer suggèrent la tenue d&#039;autres activités à cet endroit. La zone d&#039;habitation est parsemée de petites taches et de particules plus grandes de peinture rouge. Les ossements recueuillis dans ce bloc de fouille ont révélé la date de 7,165 A.A. alors qu&#039;un échantillon du paléosol indique 7,000 A.A. On croit que ces dates sont trop récentes d&#039;au moins un millénaire. Bien que la collection du site Niska semble appartenir à la tradition Scottsbluff, le style de ses pointes de jet le rend différent des complexes tels que ceux de Cody et de Little Gem. Il reste maintenant à éclaircir la datation de cet élément paléoindien et le lien culturel qui le relie aux autres complexes de la tradition Scottsbluff.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">S. Brooke Milne</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert W. Park</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anne C. Hamilton</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mostafa J. Fayek</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chert Sourcing and Palaeo-Eskimo Raw Material Use in the Interior of Southern Baffin Island, Arctic Canada</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2011</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">35</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">117-142</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In the eastern Canadian Arctic, a shift in toolstone selection strategies from Pre-Dorset (4500&amp;ndash;2800 B.P.) to Dorset (2500&amp;ndash; 1000 B.P.) has been interpreted as one line of evidence indicating culture change within the Palaeo-Eskimo continuum. Pre-Dorset toolmakers appear to have relied on readily available local cherts while Dorset toolmakers were more discriminating, frequently using scarce or non-local toolstones such as chalcedony from northern Labrador, crystal quartz, and nephrite, among others. Our recent analysis of a debitage assemblage from LeDx-42, a multi-component Palaeo-Eskimo site located in the interior of southern Baffin Island, aimed to see if similar raw material signatures could be isolated using a newly developed methodological approach for sourcing chert toolstone. One of our objectives in this preliminary study was to evaluate if diversity in chert selection strategies could be used as a proxy to assess possible links between cultural affiliation and activity areas within the site. This paper describes the sourcing protocol and discusses our results as they relate to the Palaeo-Eskimo exploitation of chert toolstone at LeDx-42.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dans l’Arctique canadien de l’est, un changement dans les stratégies du choix des pierres utilisées pour la fabrication d’outils depuis le Pre-Dorset (4500–2800 B.P.) jusqu’au Dorset (2500–1000 B.P.) a été interprété comme l’une des preuves d’un changement culturel pendant le continuum Paleo-Eskimo. Les tailleurs de pierre Pre-Dorset semblent avoir utilisé des cherts faciles à obtenir localement, tandis que les tailleurs de pierre du Dorset discriminaient plus. Ils choisissaient fréquemment des pierres rares ou non-locales, telles que le quartz du nord du Labrador, les cristaux de quartz et la néphrite, parmi d’autres. Notre analyse récente d’un assemblage de débitage dans LeDx-42, un site Paleo-Eskimo situé à l’intérieur au sud de l’île de Baffin et comportant des niveaux Pre-Dorset et Dorset, avait pour but de déterminer si des signes semblables dans le choix des pierres pourraient être mis en évidence grâce à une méthode nouvelle pour déterminer l’origine des pierres taillées en chert. L’un des objectifs de cette étude préliminaire était d’évaluer si la diversité des stratégies dans le choix des cherts pourrait être utilisée comme proxy pour évaluer les liens possibles entre l’affiliation culturelle et les aires d’activité sur le site. Ce rapport décrit le protocole de recherche de l’origine des pierres, et discute nos résultats concernant l’exploitation des cherts pour la fabrication d’outils de pierre dans le site LeDx-42 pendant la période Paleo-Eskimo.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurie Milne</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mark D. Mitchell</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crafting History in the Northern Plains: A Political Economy of the Heart River Region, 1400–1750</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">354-358</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jason Miszaniec</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Trevor Bell</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charcoal Analysis Reveals Dorset Use and Selection of Firewood at Phillip’s Garden, Northern Peninsula, Newfoundland, Canada</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">24-39</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper reports Dorset (800&amp;nbsp;BC–AD&amp;nbsp;1300) firewood use and selection at the Phillip’s Garden site (EeBi-1), northwestern Newfoundland, Canada. Charcoal fragments from five semi-subterranean dwellings and one midden were predominantly fir (&lt;em&gt;Abies&lt;/em&gt; sp.) and spruce (&lt;em&gt;Picea&lt;/em&gt; sp.). These genera dominate the modern forest, contemporary driftwood accumulations, and the prehistoric tree pollen record for the region. These data suggest that Dorset collected firewood according to the principle of least effort from nearby sources.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Le sujet de la présente étude est la sélection et l’utilisation du bois comme combustible sur le site de Philip’s Garden (EeBi-1), Peninsule Nord, Terre-Neuve. Des fragments de charbon provenant de cinq maisons semi-souterraines et un dépotoir ont fait l’objet d’une étude anthracologique. Les essences de bois identifiées sont principalement le sapin (&lt;em&gt;Abies&lt;/em&gt; sp.) et l’épicéa (&lt;em&gt;Picea&lt;/em&gt; sp.). Ces genres sont prédominants dans les forêts actuelles, ainsi que dans les accumulations de bois flotté et leur présence durant la préhistoire est attestée dans les diagrammes polliniques régionaux. Les résultats de l’analyse anthracologique suggèrent donc une collecte de combustible dans l’environnement immédiat du site et témoignent d’une stratégie conforme à la loi du moindre effort.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jesse Morin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Classification and Typologies of Stone Celts in British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2015</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">39</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">82-122</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper presents three typologies of stone celts from British Columbia based on morphology, mineralogy and culture historical affiliation. These typologies should aid archaeologists in classifying celts and understanding their regional patterns of distribution. This study is based on a large sample of celts (n&amp;thinsp;=&amp;thinsp;1,374) from more than 139 archaeological sites across British Columbia. Mineralogical identification of celts was undertaken using Near-Infrared Spectrometry (NIR). Celt manufacturing technique was found to be closely associated with the raw material used. The results here do not find support for entrenched descriptions of changes in celt morphology through time. Unexpectedly, the Canadian Plateau provided the best evidence for the use of a special type of very large nephrite/jade celts as prestige goods. The results here do not find support for entrenched descriptions of changes in celt morphology through time. Celt abundance was found to vary markedly over the last 3,500 years in the Salish Sea region, with a notable dearth of celts contemporaneous to the depopulation of the Mid-Fraser region around 1000 B.P. This evidence underscores the importance of the appropriate scale of analysis when interpreting local patterns of cultural change.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cet article présente trois typologies de lames d’haches de pierre de la Colombie Britannique basées sur la morphologie, la minéralogie, et l’affiliation historique culturelle. Ces typologies aideraient les archéologues à classifier les lames d’haches et à comprendre leurs modes de distribution régionales. Cette étude comprend un grand nombre d’échantillons de lames d’haches (n = 1,374) provenant de plus de 139 sites archéologiques à travers la Colombie Britannique. L’identification minéralogique des lames d’haches a été entreprise en utilisant la spectrométrie proche infrarouge (NIR). La technique de production des lames d’haches s’est révélée étroitement associée à la matière première utilisée. Les résultats ne soutiennent pas les descriptions établies des changements de morphologies des lames d’haches au fil du temps. De manière inattendue, le plateau canadien a fourni la meilleure preuve de l’utilisation d’un type spécial de très grandes lames d’haches de néphrite/jade comme biens de prestige. Les résultats présentés ici ne soutiennent pas les descriptions déjà établies dans les changements de la morphologie celte à travers le temps. L’abondance des lames d’haches s’est révélée de varier considérablement au cours des dernières 3,500 années dans la région de la mer des Salish, avec un manque notable de lames d’haches contemporain au dépeuplement de la région de la mi-Frasier datant d’il y a 1000 ans. Cette preuve souligne l’importance d’une gamme d’analyse appropriée pour l’interprétation des patrons locaux de changements culturels.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jesse Morin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cutting Edges and Salmon Skin: Variation in Salmon Processing Technology on the Northwest Coast</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">281-318</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This article examines differences in prehistoric Northwest Coast technologies primarily by means of an experimental study in salmon butchering. Five prehistoric and ethnographic tool types-bifacial knives, cobble spalls, ground slate knives, ground mussel shell knives, and hafted microflakes-were replicated and then used to process quantities of salmon for drying. A design theory framework is used in conjunction with basic experimental methods in an attempt to understand and explain various constraints influencing dominance of each tool type in a particular region. It is hypothesized that some tools only functioned for one or a few of the discrete tasks required to properly process a salmon, and that combinations of such tools must have been used in the past to process salmon for preservation. It is further argued that the distribution of particular tool types was influenced by raw material availability, timing of salmon runs, and intensity of harvesting and preservation.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cette article présente les résultats et les interprétations d&amp;rsquo;une étude expérimentale portant sur la préparation du saumon en utilisant des technologies préhistoriques de la Côte du Nord-Ouest. Cinq types d&amp;rsquo;outils ethnographiques ou préhistoriques (le couteau bifacial, l&amp;rsquo;éclat de galet, le couteau en ardoise polie, le couteau poli en coquillage de moule et le microéclat emmanché) ont été répliqués et utilisés pour la préparation de grandes quantités de saumon afin de les sécher et de les conserver. Les principes théoriques du design sont utilisés en conjonction avec des méthodes expérimentales dans une tentative de comprendre et d&amp;rsquo;expliquer les différentes contraintes qui peuvent influencer la dominance de chaque type d&amp;rsquo;outil dans une région particulière. L&amp;rsquo;hypothèse proposée suggère que certains outils servent seulement pour une ou un nombre limité de tâches spécifiques requises lors d&amp;rsquo;une bonne préparation du saumon et que des combinaisons de tels outils ont été utilisées dans le passé pour préparer et conserver le saumon. D&amp;rsquo;ailleurs, il est soutenu que la distribution de certains types d&amp;rsquo;outils était influencée principalement par la disponibilité des matières premières, par la périodicité des ressources, voire la remonte du saumon, et par l&amp;rsquo;intensité de la collecte et de la conservation.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard Morlan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Archaeological Radiocarbon Database: Establishing Conventional Ages</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">23</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">003-010</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;A digital database of radiocarbon dates from Canadian archaeological and vertebrate paleontological sites addresses the need to correct some dates for the effects of isotopic fractionation. Such a correction, called normalization, was included by Stuiver and Polach (1977) in their definition of conventional age. The correction formulae proposed by Stuiver and Polach are evaluated in the light of approximately 800 measurements of delta 13C reported during the last two decades. The measurements provide good support for the formulae which are adopted, with minor modifications, to normalize ages in the Canadian database.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La banque numerisée des datations par le radiocarbone provenant de sites archéologiques et paléontologiques des vertébrés an Canada vise à combler le besoin d&amp;#39;éliminer les effets que peut entraîner le fractionnement isotopique sur certaines datations. Stuiver et Polach (1977) ont tenu compte de cette correction, appelée normalisation, dans leur définition de &amp;laquo; l&amp;#39;âge conventionnel &amp;raquo;. On évalue les formules de correction proposées par Stuiver et Polach à la lumière d&amp;#39;approximativement 800 mesures du delta 13C signalées au cours des deux dernières décennies. Les mesures confirment la validité des formules qu &amp;#39;on adopte, nonobstant des modifications secondaires, pour normaliser les âges qui apparaissent dans la banque canadienne des datations.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard E. Morlan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Counts and Estimates of Taxonomic Abundance in Faunal Remains: Microtine Rodents from Bluefish Cave I</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1983</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">061-076</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Widely advertised theoretical and methodological deficiencies in counts of identified specimens (NISP) and the minimum number of individuals (MNI) have prompted a search for alternate methods of estimating taxonomic abundance in faunal remains. Most proposed alternatives have merely represented modifications or &amp;#39;refinements&amp;#39; of the MNI count outlined by Theodore White thirty years ago (White 1953). Modifications by Chaplin (1971) and Krantz (1968) are examined in this paper. Recently, an alternative, based on the Peterson index, has been proposed by Fieller and Turner (1982). Based on capture-recapture techniques used in the biological sciences, the Peterson index is superior to other proposed methods, because it is statistically well founded on the hypergeometric distribution and can be framed by data-based confidence intervals. Despite these advantages, the actual use of this estimate is limited by a number of practical exigencies that will undoubtedly force zooarchaeologists to continue to use NISP and MNI counts as abundance measurements of last resort. The assumptions and requirements for the use of the Peterson index, and the &amp;#39;behaviour&amp;#39; of this variable as compared with NISP and the methods of White, Chaplin, and Krantz, are illustrated with microtine rodent data from Bluefish Cave I, northern Yukon Territory.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L&#039;existence bien connue de lacunes théoriques et méthodologiques dans le dénombrement des spécimens identifiés et dans le recensement du nombre minimum d&#039;individus ont amené les spécialistes à rechercher d&#039;autres méthodes de dénombrement taxonomique des restes d&#039;animaux. La plupart des nouvelles méthodes proposées ne sont que des modifications ou des &#039;raffinements&#039; de la méthode du recensement du nombre minimum d&#039;individus qui fut mis au point par White il y a trente ans (White 1953). La présente étude est consacrée aux modifications apportées par Chaplin (1971) et par Krantz (1968). Fieller et Turner (l982) ont récemment proposé une nouvelle méthode fondée sur l&#039;index de Peterson. Basé sur le procédé de recensement par capture et recapture utilisé en biologie, l&#039;index de Peterson est supérieur aux autres méthodes proposées du fait qu&#039;il est solidement fondé du point de vue statistique sur la loi de la distribution hyper-géométrique et qu&#039;il peut s&#039;appuyer sur des intervalles de confiance informatisés. En dépit de ces avantages, l&#039;usage de ce mode d&#039;évaluation est restreint par un certain nombre d&#039;impératifs pratiques qui en dernier recours obligeront les zooarchéologues à continuer à faire appel aux méthodes de dénombrement classiques. Les hypothèses et les exigences liées à l&#039;utilisation de l&#039;index Peterson, ainsi que le &#039;comportement&#039; de cette variable en regard du mode de dénombrement des spécimens identifiés et des méthodes de White, de Chaplin et de Krantz sont illustrés à l&#039;aide de données réunies sur des Microtinés de Bluefish Cave I, dans le Yukon septentrional.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Morrison</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R.J. LeBlanc</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Crane Site and the Palaeoeskimo Period in the Western Canadian Arctic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">177-179</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Murielle Nagy</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">P. Plumet</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">P. Gangloff</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Avec La Collaboration De Marie-France Archambault</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Yves Labrèche</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contribution à l&#039;archéologie de l&#039;Ungava oriental. Côte est, Killiniq, îles Button, Labrador septentrional</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">191-193</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dianne Newell</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Heitzmann</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cochrane Ranche Site</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1983</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">246-247</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">George P. Nicholas</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lourandos</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continent of Hunter-Gatherers: New Perspectives in Australian Prehistory</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">24</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">201-203</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">B.A. Nicholson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Scott Hamilton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Continuity and Changing Subsistence Strategies During the Late Precontact Period in Southwestern Manitoba</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">25</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">053-073</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Previous research on Vickers Focus sites in the eastern sections of the Souris-Pembina Trench in southwestern Manitoba, conducted by the senior author, indicated a center-based settlement strategy supported by a combination of hunter-gatherer and small-scale horticultural practice. The Lowton site is the center for this cluster and contains numerous luxury items and exotic materials. Research conducted by both authors in the summers of 1995-1999 at the Makotchi-Ded Dontipi locale revealed a central-place clustering of Vickers Focus and Mortlach sites. The sites show a diversity of faunal remains covering both winter and warm season occupations and no apparent evidence of horticultural activity. These materials indicate functional subsistence activities and there is an absence of the exotic and ceremonial artifacts recovered in the eastern sites. While there is clearly cultural continuity from the Initial Middle Missouri presence at the Duthie Site, through subsequent Vickers Focus and Mortlach occupations, the material remains, and their distribution, indicate significant changes in the settlement and subsistence patterns of the Vickers Focus people through time and space.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les recherches précédentes sur les sites culturels Vickers Focus, dans la partie est de la Tranchée de Souris-Pembina, menées par l&amp;#39;auteur principal indiquaient une stratégie de colonisation vers le centre, renforcée par la conbinaison d&amp;#39;une pratique horticole à petite échelle, de chasse et de cueillette. Le site de Lowton, qui remonte auz alentours de 1450 avant J. C., est le centre de cet agglomérat et contient de nombreux objects de luze et matériaux exotiques. Les recherches menées par les deux auteurs durant les étés de 1995-1999 sur le site de Makotchi-Ded-Dontipi, dans le sud-ouest du Manitoba, ont mis à jour un rassemblement central de sites des cultures Vickers Focus et Mortlach. Ces lieux présentent une diversité de restes fauniques témoignant d&amp;#39;une occupation à la fois en hiver et pendant la saison chaude, sans preuve évidente d&amp;#39;une activité horticole. Ces matériaux indiquent des activités de simple subsistance et l&amp;#39;on ne recontre aucun des artefacts exotiques et cérémoniaux retrouvés dans la partie est de la Tranchée de Souris-Pembina. Tandis qu&amp;#39;il y a distinctement une continuité culturelle depuis la presence Initial Middle Missouri sur le site de Duthie, jusqu&amp;#39;aux occupations ultérieures des cultures Vickers Focus et Mortlach, les reste matériels, et leur répartition, indiquent des changements significatifs dans les schémas de colonisation et de subsistance du peuple Vickers Focus à travers le temps et l&amp;#39;espace.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">B.A. Nicholson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Affiliations and the Case for Incipient Horticulture in Southwestern Manitoba</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1990</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">033-059</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The prevailing models of Late Prehistoric subsistence in southwestern Manitoba have been based upon the premise of a straightforward hunter/getherer economy relying upon the local ecology of the forest/parkland/plains biomes. In some cases, trade with the Middle Missouri Village Tribes has been incorporated as a &amp;#39;risk reducing&amp;#39; mechanism. These models propose a seasonal round exploiting the available natural subsistence resources at peaks of productivity and quality. Recent work at the Lovstrom and Johnas sites near Brandon on the Souris and Assiniboine Rivers, respectively, and at Lockport and Winnipeg on the Red River suggest that these models may be inadequate. The Lovstrom and Johnas sites indicate extended occupations by people using agricultural tools and whose ceramic affiliations appear to relate to groups in North Dakota and western Minnesota known to have practiced horticulture. Many of the distinctive ceramic traits which characterize vessels in these sites are not found in the usual Woodland assemblages recorded in south-western Manitoba. It seems probable that these sites represent an expansion into southern Manitoba by groups from the south who practised horticulture as a part of their normal subsistence strategy.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les modèles de subsistance décrivant les groupes préhistoriques tardifs du sud-ouest du Manitoba ont été élaborés sur la base assumée d&amp;#39;une économie de chasse-cueillette intimement liée aux ressources de forêts, de parcs et de plaines. Quelques auteurs ont parfois considéré aussi le commerce avec les groupes villageois du Moyen Missouri comme un mécanisme permettant de réduire les risques de l&amp;#39;économie prévalents. Selon ces modèles, l&amp;#39;exploitation saisonnière aurait capitalisé sur les pics naturels de productivité et de qualité des ressources. Des travaux récents au site Lovstrom, près de Brandon sur la rivière Souris, au site Johnas sur la rivière Assiniboine ainsi qu&amp;#39;à Lockport et Winnipeg sur la rivière Rouge, pourraient rendre ces modèles insatisfaisants. Les sites Lovstrom et Johnas démontrent la présence de groupes utilisant communément des outils agricoles ainsi qu&amp;#39;une poterie semblable à celle qu&amp;#39;on recontre dans des régions du Dakota du Nord et de l&amp;#39;ouest du Minnesota où il y avait aussi de l&amp;#39;horticulture. Plusieurs attributs distinctifs communs des vases trouvés dans ces sites ne se retrouvent pas habituellement dans les assemblages &amp;#39;Woodland&amp;#39; du sud-ouest du Manitoba. On peut croire alors que ces sites témoignent d&amp;#39;une expansion dans la partie méridionale du Manitoba par des groupes qui avaient déjà intégré l&amp;#39;horticulture. Il faut maintenant savoir s&amp;#39;il ne s&amp;#39;agit que d&amp;#39;incursions épisodiques brèves par des groupes ayant leur résidence habituelle beaucoup plus au sud ou, s&amp;#39;il s&amp;#39;agissait d&amp;#39;une installation plus permanente, si leur production régulière de surplus horticole affectait les stratégies de subsistance des autres groupes de la région.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William C. Noble</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian prehistory: The lower Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Region</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1975</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">96-121</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">J. Victor Owen</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Walli Rainey</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Compositional and Mineralogical Fingerprinting of 18th–19th-Century Earthenware from Eastern Canadian Potworks and Archaeological Sites</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">26</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">175-196</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Redware pottery sherds from six 19th-century eastern Canadian potworks were analysed to determine their major-element chemical composition, mineralogy, and glazing. This was done in an attempt to trace individual pottery specimens to their factory source. The results indicate that whereas unsourced potsherds can be distinguished geochemically, none can yet be traced to a specific factory. Additional analyses of samples from eastern Canadian, New England, and Britain are required to identify the sources of the redware found in many 18th- and 19th-century Maritime archaeological sites.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cet article présente l&amp;#39;analyse des tessons de terre cuite grossière à pâte rougeâtre (redware) provenant d&amp;#39;ateliers de poterie du 19ième siècle dans l&amp;#39;Est du Canada, selon leur composition chimique, leur minéralogie et leur glaçure. Nous avons effectué ces analyses afin de relier les tessons archéologiques à un centre de fabrication. Les résultats indiquent que même si les tessons sont distincts au niveau chimique, aucun ne peut être relié à un atelier spécifique. Il faudra plusieurs échantillons additionnels de l&amp;#39;est du Canada, de la Nouvelle Angleterre, et des Iles Britanniques pour identifier les sources de poterie &amp;laquo;redware&amp;raquo; trouvés sur des sites archéologiques dans les Provinces Maritimes.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">J. Victor Owen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Como-Hudson Factories (c. 1845–77): Results of Geochemical Analyses for Québec&#039;s First Known Glassworks</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">25</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">074-097</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Sherds from three mid-19th century glassworks in the Como-Hudson area, Québec, were analysed for their major, minor, and selected trace element contents. The compositional data indicate that local sand is insufficiently silicious to have been used in its manufacture, and thus do not support historical evidence to the contrary. Although the major-element compositions of Como and Hudson glass overlap, they differ from some contemporary Ontario wares, particularly with regard to their CaO, Na2O, MgO, and Al2O3 contents. However, the possibility that imported scrap glass (cullet) was used in some early glassworks requires that caution be exercised where the compositions of excavated sherds from factory sites are to be used for provenance studies.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des échantillions de verre provenant de trois vitreries du milieu du 19ième siècle dans la région de Como-Hudson ont été analysés pour leur éléments majeurs et mineurs, ainsi que certains éléments traces. Ces données indiquent que le sable brun local est insuffisament siliceux pour avoir été utilisé dans la manufacture de ces verres. Donc, elles n&amp;#39;appuient pas l&amp;#39;évidence historique du contraire. Bien que le les contenus en éléments majeurs des verres de Como et de Hudson se chevauchent, ils se distinguent par rapport à des vitres d&amp;#39;usines contemporaines de l&amp;#39;Ontario par leur contenu en CaO, Na2O, MgO, and Al2O3. Cependant, la possibilité de la vitre brisée importée ait été utilisée par les vitreries anciennes souligne le fait que des précautions sont de mise quand des échantillions de verre provenant des sites excavés sont considérés pour des études de provenance.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert W. Park</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Schledermann</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crossroads to Greenland: 3000 Years of Prehistory in the Eastern Arctic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">121-122</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ralph Pastore</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Trigger</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultures in Contact. The European Impact on Native Cultural Institutions in Eastem North America, A.D. 1000-1800 (Fitzhugh) and Natives and Newcomers: Canada&#039;s &quot;Heroic Age&quot; Reconsidered</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1988</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">12</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">230-245</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ralph Pastore</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Trigger</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Washburn</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas; Volume 1 North America, 2 parts</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">22</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">084-086</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kelsey Pennanen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Change Detection Analysis Using Drone-Based Photogrammetry for Long-Term Archaeological Site Erosion Monitoring</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2023</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">47</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">49-64</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper presents a rapid, cost-effective, and non-specialist approach to long-term archaeological site monitoring that is repeatable and affordable. Advances in unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV)-based photogrammetry allow for the creation of multi-temporal three-dimensional (3D) models that permit accurate and in-depth analysis and quantification of landscape change through time. This paper presents a case study of aerial-based photogrammetric datasets using UAVs (i.e.,&amp;nbsp;drones) to conduct change detection analysis for monitoring continued erosion threatening an Indigenous buffalo jump in Alberta, Canada. The results demonstrate which areas of the site experienced the most significant change over a period of four years. By bridging gaps between traditional field survey and satellite-scale observations of impacts to large archaeological site complexes, UAV monitoring programs may become increasingly important as anthropogenic climate change continues to threaten heritage sites in Canada.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cet article présente une approche rapide, efficace et non spécialisée qui est reproductible et peu coûteuse pour la surveillance à long terme de sites archéologiques. Les progrès dans la photogrammétrie par véhicules aériens sans pilote (UAV) permettent la création de modèles tridimensionnels (3D) multitemporels en vue d’effectuer une analyse et une quantification précises et approfondies des transformations du paysage au fil du temps. Dans l’étude de cas décrite dans cet article, des ensembles de données photogrammétriques aériennes ont été récoltées à l’aide d’UAV (c.-à-d. de drones) afin de réaliser une analyse de détection des changements pour la surveillance de l’érosion continue qui menace un précipice à bisons autochtone en Alberta, Canada. Les résultats indiquent les secteurs du site qui ont connu les changements les plus importants sur une période de quatre ans. En comblant les lacunes entre les méthodes classiques d’inventaire sur le terrain et d’observation satellitaire des impacts sur de grands complexes archéologiques, les programmes de surveillance par UAV pourraient devenir un outil d’une importance croissante avec les changements climatiques anthropiques menaçant les sites patrimoniaux au Canada.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Leo Pettipas</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comments on David Meyer&#039;s &quot;A Component in the Scottsbluff Tradition: Excavations at the Niska Site&quot;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1986</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">10</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">167-169</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peter E. Pope</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dan Hicks</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mary C. Beaudry</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cambridge Companion to Historical Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">171-173</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">T. Douglas Price</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Katzenberg</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chemical Analysis of Prehistoric Human Bone from Five Temporally Distinct Populations in Southern Ontario</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1984</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">166-168</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">George L. Quimby</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kidd</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Classification System for Glass Beads for the use of Field Archaeologists</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1978</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">169</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reese-Taylor, Kathryn</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Contributions of the University of Calgary to the Field of Maya Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2012</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">36</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1-28</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Founded by Richard &amp;ldquo;Scotty&amp;rdquo; MacNeish and Dick Forbis in the early 1960s, the Department of Archaeology at the University of Calgary has been at the forefront of archaeological research since its inception. Designed by its architects to be the first department of anthropological archaeology in the world, both MacNeish and Forbis recruited like-minded scholars to join the faculty. Over time, the prehistory of the Maya region has become one of the program&amp;rsquo;s strengths due to the significant contributions of former faculty members, such as Scotty MacNeish, Dave Kelley, and Peter Mathews. In this paper, I examine the prodigious influence of these scholars on the field of Maya Studies. I also highlight the ongoing research programs of current faculty members Geoffrey McCafferty and Kathryn Reese-Taylor, and their graduate students, as well as research associates Sharisse McCafferty and Karen Bassie-Sweet. Finally, I appraise the legacy that the University of Calgary continues to build within Maya archaeology.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fondée par Richard « Scotty » MacNeish et Dick Forbis début des années 1960, le Département d’Archéologie à l’Université de Calgary a été à la pointe de la recherche archéologique depuis sa création. Conçu par les architectes d’être le premier département de l’archéologie anthropologique dans le monde, à la fois MacNeish et Forbis recrutés aux vues similaires aux chercheurs de se joindre au corps professoral. Au fil du temps, la préhistoire de la région maya est devenue une des forces de ce programme aujourd’hui en raison de la contribution importante des anciens membres du corps professoral, comme Scotty MacNeish, Dave Kelley, et Peter Mathews. Dans cet article, j’examine l’influence prodigieuse de ces savants sur le domaine des études mayas. Je souligne également les programmes de recherche en cours des membres du corps professoral actuel Geoffrey McCafferty et Kathryn Reese-Taylor, et de leurs étudiants des cycles supérieurs, ainsi que les associés de recherche Sharisse McCafferty et Karen Bassie-Sweet. Enfin, j’évalue l’héritage que l’Université de Calgary continue de construire dans l’archéologie maya.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Shelley R. Saunders</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dean Knight</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Gates</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christian Island: A comparative analysis of osteological and archaeological evidence</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1974</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">6</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">121-162</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">C. Thomas Shay</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hastoff</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Popper</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Current Palaeoethnobotany</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1990</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">227-231</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christian Gates St-Pierre</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alicia L. Hawkins</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Louis Lesage</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Current Archaeology of the Huron-Wendat and the St. Lawrence Iroquoians: Introduction</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">109-120</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert James Stark</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Justin M. Jacobs</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Compensations of Plunder: How China Lost Its Treasures</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">215-217</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert J. Stark</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alice Beck Kehoe</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Controversies in Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2010</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">34</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">122-124</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert Stark</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lynn Meskell</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cosmopolitan Archaeologies</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2011</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">35</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">347-350</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew M. Stewart</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Matthew Walls</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Caribou Inuit Traders of the Kivalliq Nunavut, Canada</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">180-183</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marianne Stopp</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Latonia Hartery</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cow Head Complex and the Recent Indian Period in Newfoundland, Labrador and the Quebec Lower North Shore</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">162-165</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marianne P. Stopp</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Renouf, M.A.P.</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cultural Landscapes of Port au Choix – Precontact Hunter-Gatherers of Northwestern Newfoundland</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">358-360</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kisha Supernant</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Warrick</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Challenges to Critical Community-based Archaeological Practice in Canada</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">563-591</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The implementation of Indigenous, collaborative, and community-oriented approaches in archaeological research and practice is promoted by many archaeologists as the path to the decolonization of archaeology. Collaborative archaeology, however, may inadvertently cause harm because it can produce certain interpretations of the past that can effectively promote the Indigenous rights of one descendant community over other communities or silence the political voices of certain members within the same community. This paper presents two case studies of attempted community-oriented archaeology with different Indigenous groups in Canada, each of which encountered barriers and complications in the collaborative process. The authors conclude that community-based archaeology, despite its good intentions, has the potential to do harm to Indigenous rights and self-determination. For archaeologists who are intent on decolonizing archaeology in solidarity with Indigenous peoples, there may be situations where archaeologists should refrain from doing archaeology, support archaeology carried out by Indigenous archaeologists in their own communities and, where appropriate, become active politically in advocating for Indigenous rights and the decolonization of Canada.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L’implantation dans la recherche et la pratique archéologiques d’approches autochtones, collaboratives et orientées vers la communauté est mise de l’avant par plusieurs archéologues comme étant la voie vers une décolonisation de l’archéologie. L’archéologie collaborative peut toutefois causer des dommages accidentels lorsque les interprétations du passé qu’elle propose font la promotion des droits autochtones d’une communauté de descendants aux dépens d’une autre ou lorsque les voix de certains membres à l’intérieur d’une même communauté sont gardées sous silence. Cet article présente deux tentatives d’approche communautaire dans des groupes autochtones du Canada qui ont rencontré des obstacles et des complications au cours du processus de collaboration. Les auteurs concluent que l’archéologie communautaire, en dépit de ses bonnes intentions, peut potentiellement nuire aux droits et à l’auto-détermination des Autochtones. Les archéologues bien décidés à décoloniser l’archéologie en guise de solidarité envers les peuples autochtones devraient, dans certaines situations, s’abstenir de faire de l’archéologie, supporter l’archéologie effectuée par les archéologues autochtones dans leur propres communautés et, lorsque approprié, devenir actifs politiquement afin de défendre les droits des Autochtones et la décolonisation du Canada.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patricia D. Sutherland</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">K. Fladmark</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Changing Times: British Columbia Archaeology in the 1980&#039;s</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">187-189</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patricia D. Sutherland</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James H. Barrett</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contact, Continuity and Collapse: The Norse Colonization of the North Atlantic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">201-203</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bruce G. Trigger</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mario Bunge</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chasing Reality: Strife over Realism</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">346-349</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James A. Tuck</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Sanger</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cow Point: an Archaic cemetery in New Brunswick</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1975</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">240-241</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Varley</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lynn Meskell</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert W. Preucel</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Companion to Social Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">166-169</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurie Milne</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Natalia Vogeikoff-Brogan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jack L. Davis</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Vasiliki Florou</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carl W. Blegen: Personal and Archaeological Narratives</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">348–351</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Heather Walder</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stéphane Noël</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Compositional Analysis of Glass Beads from Huron-Wendat Contexts at the Notre-Dame-de-Lorette Mission Site, Quebec</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">135-157</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Glass trade beads recovered during the 2018 excavations of the Notre-Dame-de-Lorette Mission Site (CeEu-11), the site of a c.&amp;nbsp;1673–1697 Huron-Wendat village at L’Ancienne-Lorette (Quebec), were analyzed using Laser Ablation - Inductively Coupled Plasma - Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS). This minimally invasive analysis, conducted with permission from the Huron-Wendat Nation of Quebec, provides information about glass bead recipes that can be compared to other known samples from across eastern North America. This paper presents compositional analysis results for 78 artifacts (mainly simple, drawn varieties of blue and white beads) and compares the L’Ancienne-Lorette glass bead compositions to those from other seventeenth-century Wendat archaeological sites in the Western Great Lakes and in Southern Ontario. These sites were occupied both prior to and after the ca. 1650 dispersal of Huron-Wendat people from Wendake. From this research, historic Wendat trade networks and population movements can be inferred.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des perles de verre provenant des fouilles de 2018 sur le site de la mission Notre-Dame-de-Lorette (CeEu-11), à L’Ancienne-Lorette (Québec), ont fait l’objet d’une analyse par spectrométrie de masse couplée à l’ablation au laser (LA-ICP-MS). Cette analyse peu destructrice, réalisée avec l’accord de la Nation huronne-wendat, a fournie des informations sur les recettes de verre utilisées dans la fabrication des perles, et peuvent être comparées à d’autres échantillons analysés dans l’est de l’Amérique du Nord. Cet article présente les résultats de l’analyse chimique de 78 perles de verre (principalement des perles bleues et blanches simples et étirées) et compare celles trouvées à L’Ancienne-Lorette avec d’autres perles provenant de sites Huron-Wendats du 17&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; siècle à l’ouest des Grands Lacs et dans le sud de l’Ontario. Ces sites ont été occupés avant et après la dispersion (v. 1650) du peuple Huron-Wendat. Cette recherche permet de mieux comprendre les réseaux d’échanges et les mouvements de populations des Hurons-Wendats au 17&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; siècle.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Warrick</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michelle A. Hamilton</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Collections and Objections: Aboriginal Material Culture in Southern Ontario, 1791–1914</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2011</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">35</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">189-192</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Patrick Whelan Jr.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Context and Association in Canadian Shield Rock Art Systematics</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1983</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">077-084</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roscoe Wilmeth</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chilcotin Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title><tertiary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Symposium on Northern Athabaskan Prehistory</style></tertiary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1970</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">042-043</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Karen L. Wittke</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian Hayden</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">and Marie-Ange Lauwerys</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Coiled Basket Fragment and Other Organic Artifacts from the Keatley Creek Site, British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">144-150</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Several unusual wood and plant artifactual remains were recovered from the Keatley Creek site in the Interior of British Columbia. The most important of these is a charred fragment of a coiled basket recovered from a Protohistoric Period ritual structure dated to 250 BP. This is the only archaeological example of coiled basketry from the Interior, and such examples are extremely rare on the Coast also. While it may have served as a cooking or water container, we also suggest that it may have been a prestige item, possibly used in ritual contexts. The other artifacts described include a section of a wooden shaft implement like a bow or hoop frame dated to 1410 BP, and a bifacial stone knife from a storage pit that still retained a bark wrapping probably dating to ca. 1000 BP.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Plusieurs objets faits de bois et autres matières végétales ont été découverts au gisement de Keatley Creek situé dans le Plateau intérieur de la Colombie Britannique. Parmi ces objets, le plus important est un fragment carbonisé de panier torsadé provenant d&amp;rsquo;une structure rituelle datant de la période Protohistorique, soit environ 250 BP. Il s&amp;rsquo;agit de l&amp;rsquo;unique exemplaire archéologique de vannerie torsadée documentée dans le Plateau intérieur de la Colombie Britannique, et de tels objets sont également très rares sur la Côte. Quoique ce panier ait pu être utilisé pour cuire des aliments ou contenir de l&amp;rsquo;eau, nous suggérons qu&amp;rsquo;il représentait possiblement un objet de prestige utilisé lors de rituels. Les autres artefacts décrits dans cet article comprennent un segment de bois ayant pu faire partie d&amp;rsquo;un arc ou d&amp;rsquo;un support à filet daté à 1410 BP, et un couteau bifacial en pierre, daté autour de 1000 BP, dont l&amp;rsquo;enveloppe en écorce de bouleau a été conservée et qui provient d&amp;rsquo;une fosse d&amp;rsquo;entreposage.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Joyce M. Wright</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Vessels of the Wendat Confederacy: Indicators of Tribal Affiliation or Mobile Clans?</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40-72</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper constitutes a comparison of ceramic vessel types from 21 site collections representing different geographic clusters and taxonomic divisions of the Wendat (Huron) between the 15th and 17th centuries. Since these data were derived from previously published reports, the analysis necessarily involved the use of ceramic types rather than attributes. This proved expedient because it clarified the varying degree of foreign (non-Wendat) ware of which each collection was comprised. The observation that as much as a quarter to a half of the vessels of some collections were foreign, indicated that traditional comparisons of total site samples would tend to obscure local relationships. By focusing solely on Wendat ceramics, it was possible to identify homogeneity in the ceramic decoration of the 15th and 16th centuries that, with the addition of historical documentary and further archaeological evidence, is argued to reveal sub-group mobility between settlements, a situation that was apparently not perpetuated into the 17th century.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cet article compare des types de récipients en céramique provenant de 21 collections de différents sites et représentant divers ensembles géographiques et divisions taxonomiques des Wendats (Hurons) entre les XVième et XVIIième siècles. Comme ces données proviennent de rapports déjà publiés, l&amp;rsquo;analyse porte par nécessité sur les types de céramiques plutôt que sur les attributs. Cela s&amp;rsquo;est avéré opportun, puisque se trouvait ainsi quantifiée et précisée la proportion variable de céramiques étrangères (non Wendates) de chaque collection. Le fait que le quart, voire la moitié, des récipients de certaines collections soit d&amp;rsquo;origine étrangère indique que les comparaisons traditionnelles des assemblages trouvés sur différents sites auraient tendance à masquer les relations locales. En se concentrant exclusivement sur les céramiques wendates, il a été possible de constater l&amp;rsquo;homogénéité de la décoration des céramiques des XVième et XVIième siècles, laquelle, avec l&amp;rsquo;apport de témoignages tirés de documents historiques et d&amp;rsquo;autres témoignages archéologiques, révélerait la mobilité de sous-groupes entre villages, situation qui ne s&amp;rsquo;est apparemment pas perpétuée au XVIIième siècle.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James V. Wright</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Trigger</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Children of Aataentsic, a History of the Huron People to 1660</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1977</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">183-186</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James V. Wright</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Comparative Radiometric Dating of Two Prehistoric Ontario Iroquoian Villages</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1985</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">9</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">057-068</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The three major conclusions of the paper are as follows: the reliability of bone collagen dates relative to wood charcoal dates is dependant upon the total removal of inorganic carbonates by the laboratory; a geographic variable relative to the extraction of old carbonates appears to exist since collagen dates were comparable to wood charcoal dates from the McIvor site but not the Nodwell site despite the fact that the same laboratory collagen extraction technique was used; and calibrated date intervals derived from dated tree-rings of known age appear to represent a more realistic structuring of archaeological time than mid-point dates with a one sigma probability range.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les trois grandes conclusions du document sont les suivantes: la fiabilité de la datation au collagène osseux par rapport à la méthode utilisant le charbon de bois dépend de l&#039;enlèvement de la totalité des carbonates inorganiques en laboratoire; il semble exister une variable géographique liée à l&#039;extraction des vieux carbonates, puisque les dates obtenues au collagène ont été comparables à celles obtenues au charbon de bois au site McIvor, mais non au site Nodwell, bien qu&#039;on ait utilisé la même technique d&#039;extraction du collagène en laboratoire; les intervalles calibrés obtenus par l&#039;observation des anneaux de croissance d&#039;arbres d&#039;’ge connu semblent représenter une structuration plus réaliste du temps archéologique que des dates moyennes avec un écart-type d&#039;une unité.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alison Wylie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Contextualizing Ethics: Comments on Ethics in Canadian Archaeology by Robert Rosenswig</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">21</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">115-120</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Eldon Yellowhorn</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Freeman, Gordon R.</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canada’s Stonehenge: Astounding Archaeological Discoveries in Canada, England, and Wales</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2010</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">34</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">128-130</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record></records></xml>