<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><xml><records><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bruce G.Trigger</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chapdelaine</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Images de la Préhistoire du Québec</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1978</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">165-167</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gagné, Gérard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sex-based Activities and Dental Pathology Among Late Woodland Iroquoians</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Research on dental pathology of prehistoric populations has been a major topic among physical anthropologists. However, very few specialists have considered the influence of sex-based activities on oral health even though recent ethnographic works have shown such relations. The goal of this communication is to explore the relation between oral health and sex-based activities among the Late Woodland Iroquoians.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laura Gagne</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Typology for Cypriot White Painted Ceramics: Chronology vs Regionalism</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">White Painted Wares, while not found in great numbers in any excavation, are the hallmark of the Middle Bronze Age on Cyprus. This makes them a critical marker for chronology. Paul Åström created the typology used today as his PhD thesis which was published in 1957. Åström examined material that came mainly from tomb groups, created a seriation of types based on both shape and decoration. This typology is used today to assign new finds to established types, but recently there have been some questions raised about the accuracy of Åström&#039;s work and its usefulness with newly excavated material, especially from settlement sites. The results of a preliminary petrographic analysis of the fabric of sherds from two sites on Cyprus raises the possibility that some of the types listed by Åström may be due to regional differences rather than chronological ones.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Louis Gagnon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problématiques de la conservation des pétrogrammes du site Nisula - Ies peintures rupestres en Amérique du Nord</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nous examinerons les principales problématiques relatives à la conservation des peintures à l&#039;ocre rouge du site Nisula. Ainsi, en plus de faire un sommaire de l&#039;état de conservation, nous devrons nous interroger sur les moyens privilégiés pour en prolonger l&#039;existence ou à tout le moins la mémoire. Ce site d&#039;art rupestre qui vraisemblablement fut identifié et cartographié, il y a déjà plus de 250 ans (1731-1733) parle missionnaire Jésuite, Pére Pierre-Michel Laure, a pu se conserver jusqu&#039;à nos jours sans actions humaines extraordinaires. Pourtant, la redécouverte récente et les recherches conduites pour sa sauvegarde et son interprétation ne constituent-elles pas une menace réelle pour ce site d&#039;art rupestre? En effet, la médiatisation des travaux et l&#039;éventuelle accessibilité du site à de pseudo-spécialistes ou à de simples curieux ne sont-elles pas à craindre pour la survie du site Nisula? Sans pour autant prôner un statu quo, quel type d&#039;action peut-on prévoir pour la conservation et la mise en valeur d&#039;un tel site localisé en bordure d&#039;un lac fréquenté par de nombreux amateurs de pêche sportive ?</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert Gal</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steven L. Klingler</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Maisons denbighiennes au Noatak National Preserve, Nord-Ouest de l&#039;Alaska</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert Gal</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steven L. Klingler</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Scratching the Surface: 10 years of U.S. National Park Service Investigations in the Noatak National Preserve, Northwest Alaska</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Solecki, Irving, Foote, Anderson and Hall conducted limited and dispersed archaeological investigations in the Noatak National Preserve, Northwest Alaska. When the 2.65 million hectare Preserve was designated by the U.S. Congress in 1980, only 136 archaeological sites had been reported within its boundaries. In 1992 the U.S. National Park Service began systematic reconnaissance-level surveys and test excavations in the Preserve; nearly 1,500 sites are now recorded. The annual progress of the U.S. National Park Service survey effort is presented as a back-drop for new archaeological sites radiocarbon-dated to the early and mid-Holocene. These new data, which significantly augment the stratified record at the Onion Portage Site in the Kobuk Valley National Park, Northwest Alaska, are provisionally synthesized. Congeners of these new early and mid-Holocene Noatak assemblages can be expected to occur as far east as the northern Yukon Territory.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tiziana Gallo</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine in collaboration with</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Eric Chalifoux</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christian Gates St-Pierre</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Greg Kennedy</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les Iroquoiens du Cap Tourmente : Le site Royarnois et la province de Canada</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2024</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">48</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">161-164</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tiziana Gallo</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Axing Assumptions: Reconsidering Uses and Users of Fourteenth- to Fifteenth-Century Wendat Ground Stone Celts</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2024</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">48</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1-36</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Throughout the world, archaeologists traditionally attribute ground stone celts to woodworking and, by extension, to the masculine realm. This paper challenges the application of this universalizing, functionally narrow, and androcentric narrative by engaging with ancestral Wendat (Huron) ground stone celts through the writings of Wendat authors, early contact ethnohistory, ethnoarchaeology, and experimental archaeology. Use-wear analyses conducted on celts sampled from three Wendat villages occupied between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries reveal traces of different gestures and contact materials. Beyond field clearing and construction, ground stone celts were an integral part of various aspects of ancestral Wendat village life, including the transformation of trees, plants, soils, and animals. By exposing the traces that testify to these various encounters, this article expands ancestral Wendat ground stone celts’ functional and gendered attributions, bringing to light the complex diversity contained within this understudied yet normalized object category.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;À travers le monde, les archéologues associent traditionnellement les lames de pierre polie au travail du bois et, par extension, au domaine masculin. En revisitant les lames de pierre polie ancestrales des Wendat (Hurons) à travers des écrits d’auteurs wendats, des documents de l’ethnohistoire des premiers contacts, de l’ethnoarchéologie, et de l’archéologie expérimentale, cet article remet en question l’applicabilité de ce narratif universalisant, fonctionnellement limité et androcentrique. L’analyse tracéologique de lames polies provenant de trois villages wendats ancestraux occupés entre les XIV&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; et XV&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; siècles révèle divers gestes et matériaux associés à leur utilisation. Au-delà du défrichage des terres et de la construction, ces lames de pierre polie faisaient partie intégrante de divers aspects de la vie dans les villages wendats ancestraux, incluant la transformation d’arbres, de plantes, de sols et d’animaux. En exposant les traces qui témoignent de ces diverses rencontres, cet article élargit les attributions fonctionnelles et genrées des lames de pierre polie ancestrales des Wendat. Il met en lumière la complexe diversité contenue dans cette catégorie d’objets qui, bien que peu étudiée, tend à être normalisée.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Garden, Mary-Catherine E.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE DIETS OF THE OFFICERS AND THE ENLISTED MEN AT HISTORIC FORT YORK (AjGu-26), TORONTO</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological excavations undertaken since 1987 at Fort York, a multi-component British Military site founded in 1793, have uncovered both a midden associated with Enlisted Men and a filled areaway adjacent to the ca. 1815 Brick Officers&#039; Mess. Faunal material from the midden and the Officers&#039; Mess was compared to determine if status differences could be detected within the faunal sample. Results suggest that there are notable differences in the subsistence patterns of the Officers and the Enlisted Men living under similar conditions. In addition, there is some indication that increases and decreases in the relative frequencies of key species within the Enlisted Men&#039;s sample can be linked to documented historical events.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Garden, Mary Catherine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Home is Where the Hearth is</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Benares estate is a nineteenth century farmstead located in Mississauga which has been home for over 150 years to the Harris family. In addition to good documentary evidence, there is a wealth of oral tradition from living descendants of the family. Much of this revolves around two fires which occurred in the mid-1800&#039;s. The problem of integrating the oral history and documentary evidence with the archaeological data to establish context is not uncommon on historic sites. Focusing on the 1836 summer kitchen, which survived the fire(s), the specific problems encountered in applying the oral histories and the documents to the archaeological evidence at the Benares estate will be discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GARVIN, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Agricultural Resource Use and Corel/Periphery Relations in the Penoles Region, Oaxaca, Mexico</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper will focus upon prehispanic agricultural resource use in a high altitude, marginal zone of the Mixteca Alta, Oaxaca. The study area is located between 350-400 km south of Mexico City in an area long referred to simply as Los Penoles. The Penoles region forms a boundary zone between the Mixtec culture to the north and west and the Zapotecs of the Valley of Oaxaca to the east. Archaeological survey of the area has revealed a long history of occupation in the region and of contact with neighbours; on all sides. The evidence also points toward the development of a local Penoles polity in the Formative period which by the mid-Postclassic was comparable in size to petty kingdoms which had evolved in the Valley of Oaxaca. The paper explores how the Penoles population was able to support itself in such a marginal environment for agriculture and the nature of their contact with other groups.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GARVIN, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dangerous Goods: The Coastal-Interior Grease Trade</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gastrointestinal problems have always afflicted human populations. The major factors involved are overeating, allergies, nutritional deficiencies, infection from parasites or micro-organisms, and poisoning by food or toxins produced by bacteria. Most people are at least familiar with the signs of potential botuligenic food poisoning in commercially processed foods. However, the reality is that since 1940, well over 90% of the reported and confirmed cases of botulism in Canada have occurred among the aboriginal populations inhabiting the Pacific and Arctic coastal regions. These outbreaks are linked directly to traditional foodstuffs, usually produced in small, isolated communities. This paper examines how and why these intoxications occur, and the foods involved. Of particular interest are recent tests undertaken with the assistance of Health Canada in determining the potential risk of botuligenic intoxication caused by eulachon grease, a fish oil which was, and is still, a highly valued and traded item between the coastal and interior First Nations of B.C.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GARVIN, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nisga&#039;a Social Organization as Reflected at the Kincolith Cemetery</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents some of the results of a recording and conservation project at a little known, historic cemetery located at the mouth of the Nass River, 100 km north of Prince Rupert, B.C. The cemetery was established in conjunction with the founding of Kincolith Mission in 1867 by the London-based Church Missionary Society. With the introduction of Christianity and the rituals of Christian burial, traditional Nisga&#039;a interment practices were deemed unacceptable. The ideals of Victorian England and the deeply held Judeo/Christian concept of a bond between the body and soul, even after death, necessitated a sanctioned resting place for those who had &#039;died in the faith&#039;. Accordingly, the Kincolith Cemetery was established as &#039;God&#039;s half-acre&#039; for the community, and it has functioned as such up to the present day. The first portion of the paper examines both the spatial and temporal distributions of grave markers at the cemetery. In traditional Nisga&#039;a society, descent and kin recognition are centered around matrilineal clans organized into larger phratries. At Kincolith, the resident missionaries began converting, baptizing, and re-naming individuals according to the protocol of the Church Missionary Society. A Victorian, patrilineal system of descent and kin reckoning was imposed on the residents of the community. Assuming that individuals are buried beside those whom they consider to be their kin, the distribution of grave markers at the Kincolith Cemetery provides an opportunity to gauge the effect of this reorganization on traditional Nisga&#039;a society. The second part of the paper explores the use of grave markers as surrogate mortuary poles which display customary rights to rank and privilege. Many of the grave markers at the Kincolith Cemetery embody traditional, high ranking, clan crest names in their construction, thus demonstrating and validating rights of possession and inheritance.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GARVIN, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Culture Contact and Syncretic Behaviour on the Lower Nass River, B.C.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents some of the results of a recording and conservation project under taken by Okanagan University College at a little known, historic cemetery located at the mouth of the Nass River, 100 km north of Prince Rupert, B.C. The cemetery was established in conjunction with the founding of Kincolith Mission in 1867 by the London-based Church Missionary Society. With the introduction of Christianity and the rituals of Christian burial, traditional Nisga&#039;a interment practices were deemed unacceptable. The ideals of Victorian England and the deeply held Judeo/Christian concept of a bond between the body and soul, even after death, necessitated a sanctioned resting place for those who had &#039;died in the faith&#039;. Accordingly, the Kincolith Cemetery was established as &#039;God&#039;s half-acre&#039; for the community, and it has functioned as such up to the present day. In traditional Nisga&#039;a society, descent and kin recognition are centered around matrilineal clans organized into larger phratries. At Kincolith, the resident missionaries began converting, baptizing, and re-naming individuals according to the protocol of the Church Missionary Society. A Victorian, patrilineal system of descent and kin reckoning was imposed on the residents of the community. Assuming that individuals are buried beside those whom they consider to be their kin, the distribution of grave markers at the Kincolith Cemetery provides an opportunity to gauge the effect of this reorganization on traditional Nisga&#039;a society. In addition, grave markers are used as surrogate mortuary poles which display customary rights to rank and privilege. Many of the grave markers at the Kincolith Cemetery embody traditional, high ranking, clan crest names in their construction, thus demonstrating and validating rights of possession and inheritance.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GARVIN, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Évolution des complexes funéraires des Premiéres Nations Nisga&#039;a et Haisla, côte Nord-Ouest du Pacifique</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GARVIN, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The 1996 Kincolith Cemetery Project / Projet du cimetiére Kincolith, 1996</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents the preliminary results of a recording and conservation project at a little known, native, historic cemetery located at the mouth of the Nass River, along the B.C./Alaska boundary. In conjunction with the Gingolx Band Council (Nisga&#039;a First Nation) the project was undertaken with the goal of simply defining the actual size of the graveyard, both spatially and in terms of the number of interments. It soon became apparent that the cemetery contained a wealth of information pertaining to a variety of cultural groups. The paper will discuss; 1) the discovery of the remains of the second Hudson&#039;s Bay Company fort on the west coast of B.C., Fort Nass (1831- 1834), at the cemetery, 2) the discovery of high ranking Nisga&#039;a chiefs intered at the cemetery, 3) the recovery of headstones which are valuable and vibrant examples of Nisga&#039;a art (i.e., clan crest figures carved in marble), and 4) a small Japanese section of the cemetery where a Japanese war memorial dated to June 1918 is located.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GARVIN, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anthropological Archaeology at the Gingolx Cemetery</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper explores some of the results of the Gingolx Heritage Restoration Project, a multi-year research/conservation project on the lower Nass River, near the Nisga&#039;a village of Kincolith (Gingolx). Kincolith was established in 1867 by Christian missionaries to whom traditional Nisga&#039;a burial practices were seen as pagan. In addition, the missionaries began converting, baptizing, and re-naming the local converts according to the protocol of the British Church Missionary Society. In essence, a Victorian patrilineal system of record keeping and kin reckoning was imposed on the residents of the community, one which continues to this day. However, in traditional Nisga&#039;a society, descent, inheritance, kin recognition, and rights of possession are centered around matrilineal clans organized into larger phratries. The stylistic, temporal and spatial distributions of the Gingolx Cemetery grave markers provide an interesting window into the organization of traditional Nisga&#039;a culture and how that may have changed over time.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GAULTON, Barry</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">FLAGSTONES, COBBLESTONES AND ROOF SLATES: SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY STONE CONSTRUCTION AT FERRYLAND, NEWFOUNDLAND</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In the small fishing community of Ferryland, excavations along a section of the sheltered inner harbour known as &#039;The Pool&#039; have unearthed the remains of numerous seventeenth-century stone structures and features, including a large complex of stone walls, flagstone and cobblestone floors and thousands of roof slates. These well-preserved structural remains provide a unique opportunity to study seventeenth-century colonial architecture. Initial construction of these buildings occurred shortly after George Calvert, later the first Lord Baltimore, established the colony in 1621. Artifactual evidence, structural additions and the construction of new buildings indicate a continuous occupation of this site throughout the seventeenth century. This paper focuses on describing the stone structures and their associated features, and dating the complex stratigraphic layers to establish a sequence of construction, occupation and destruction.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Barry C. Gaulton</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bryn Tapper</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Duncan Williams</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donna Teasdale</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Upper Island Cove Petroglyphs: An Algonquian Enigma</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">123-161</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Small lichen-obscured petroglyphs carved onto a rock face on the outskirts of the community of Upper Island Cove (UIC), Newfoundland have been known to residents for at least 75 years. The glyphs are comprised of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figures as well as Roman-type script. Photogrammetry and Highlight-Reflectance Transformation Imaging were employed to document and analyse the inscriptions as well as to interpret the sequence of carving. Stylistic comparisons with similar petroglyphs in northeastern North America appear to situate the Upper Island Cove example within the cultural traditions of Algonquian- speaking peoples. The UIC carvings are thought to date to the historic period, yet when and by whom these petroglyphs were carved remains uncertain. Their age, however, is of secondary importance to their cultural attribution, as they are the first Indigenous petroglyphs recorded on the island of Newfoundland.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des petits pétroglyphes, couverts de lichen et gravés sur une paroi rocheuse à la périphérie de la petite communauté d’Upper Island Cove (UIC) à Terre-Neuve, sont connus par les habitants locaux depuis au moins 75 ans. Les glyphes incluent des figures anthropomorphiques et zoomorphiques, ainsi qu’un texte en alphabet latin. Les techniques de photogrammétrie et l’imagerie par la transformation de la réflectance ont été utilisées pour documenter les inscriptions et pour analyser la séquence de création. Les comparaisons sur la base du style avec d’autres pétroglyphes situés dans la région nord-est de l’Amérique du Nord semblent placer les exemples d’UIC au centre d’une tradition culturelle algonquienne. En ce qui concerne la date, les glyphes semblent provenir de la période historique, mais une date exacte ainsi que l’identité du créateur sont encore inconnus. Cependant, la date est moins importante que l’attribution culturelle: ils représentent les premiers pétroglyphes connus sur l’île de Terre-Neuve.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sarah Gaunt</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Kwaday Dan Sinchi Discovery: Cultural Dimensions and Research</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">As the government ultimately responsible for the Kwaday Dan Sinchi find, Champagne and Aishihik First Nations&#039; (CAFN) work efforts related to the discovery have been driven by various goals. One has been finding out who this long ago person was. We introduce the variety of research approaches that are being pursued in an effort to link him culturally, and the initial results from these efforts. This includes studies on his belongings and other artifacts from the glacier area, and ethnohistory and oral history research. Community education and consultations are an equally important consideration for CAFN, in attempting to find modern meanings for the long ago person found.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Solène Mallet Gauthier</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William T. D. Wadsworth</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Survey Déjà Vu: Lessons Learned from the Archaeological Re-mapping of a Métis Overwintering Settlement</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2023</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">47</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">65-86</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Although the advantages of archaeological remote sensing have long been known, the techniques have still not been fully incorporated into standard archaeological practice. Drawing upon the example of an archaeological remote sensing survey conducted in April 2022 and subsequent excavation in July 2022 at the Chimney Coulee site (DjOe-6) in Saskatchewan, we demonstrate the value of the integration of remote sensing methods early and throughout an entire project. Over the span of five days, we were able to use drone-based light detection and ranging (LiDAR) and orthoimagery, ground-penetrating radar (GPR), and magnetic gradiometry alongside more traditional archaeological survey methods to survey the site and locate two probable late nineteenth-century Métis cabins. The use of remote sensing techniques allowed for the efficient identification of future excavation areas and comparisons to previous mapping work and generated new questions about the site. This paper provides a methodological example of non-invasive archaeological survey for non-specialists and demonstrates how students and early career researchers can play an important role in the advancement of Canadian archaeology by experimenting with new ways of conducting archaeological survey and mapping.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Bien que les avantages des méthodes de télédétection archéologique soient connus de longue date, ces techniques ne sont pas encore pleinement intégrées dans les pratiques archéologiques courantes. À l’aide de l’exemple d’un levé de télédétection archéologique mené en avril 2022, suivi de fouilles réalisées en juillet 2022 sur le site de Chimney Coulee (DjOe-6), en Saskatchewan, nous démontrons la valeur de l’intégration de ces méthodes de télédétection au début et tout au long d’un projet de recherche archéologique. Sur une période de cinq jours, nous avons utilisé des technologies par drones, soit la détection et télémétrie par ondes lumineuses (LiDAR) et l’orthophotographie, un radar à pénétration de sol (GPR), un gradiomètre magnétique en plus de techniques de prospection archéologique plus classiques pour effectuer un relevé du site et repérer deux cabanes métisses probables datant de la fin du XIX&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; siècle. L’utilisation de méthodes de télédétection a permis de localiser efficacement de futures zones de fouilles et d’effectuer des comparaisons avec des travaux de cartographie réalisés précédemment, et a soulevé nouvelles questions au sujet du site. Cet article fournit un exemple méthodologique de levé archéologique non invasif pour les archéologues non spécialisés et montre comment les étudiants et les chercheurs en début de carrière peuvent jouer un rôle important dans le développement de l’archéologie au Canada en expérimentant avec de nouvelles méthodes d’arpentage et de cartographie archéologiques.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Solène Mallet Gauthier</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allison Bain</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Heather Trigg</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Change and Continuity in Early Nineteenth-Century Foodways in Québec City’s Lower Town</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">100-130</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Plant and insect remains found in a privy structure were analyzed to gain insight into foodways of Québec City’s Lower Town inhabitants in the early nineteenth century. We use dietary practices as a window to examine how the population of the St. Roch neighbourhood responded to changes taking place in the decades that followed the instauration of the British regime and how these changes may have influenced different aspects of their food consumption practices. Through comparisons with assemblages from two French-regime sites as well as from three later nineteenth-century sites, we find that a certain continuity characterizes the plant consumption of Québec City’s French-Canadian population. We address some of the challenges of this research, as it is difficult to distinguish between consumption as a choice related to identity versus more practical considerations such as availability and access.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des restes de plantes et d’insectes retrouvés dans une structure utilisée comme latrine ont été analysés dans le but d’en apprendre plus sur les pratiques alimentaires des habitants de la Basse-Ville de Québec au début du XIXe siècle. Les pratiques alimentaires sont considérées ici afin d’examiner comment la population du quartier Saint-Roch a réagi aux changements qui ont suivi l’instauration d’un nouveau régime colonial et comment ceux-ci ont pu influencer plusieurs facettes de leur alimentation. À l’aide de comparaisons avec des assemblages provenant de deux sites datant du Régime français ainsi que de trois contextes du XIXe siècle, nous mettons en évidence le fait qu’il existe une certaine continuité dans les pratiques de consommation de végétaux chez la population canadienne-française de Québec. Nous abordons également certains des défis liés à cette recherche, puisqu’il est difficile de distinguer l’influence de l’identité de celle des questions pratiques telles que l’accès aux produits dans les choix alimentaires.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gauvin, Robert</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les passages voûtés de l&#039;escarpe et la construction de l&#039;enceinte ouest de Québec au milieu du 18e siécle</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La mise au jour d&#039;un passage muré dans l&#039;escarpe du bastion Saint-Jean, constitue une découverte importante en regard de notre connaissance de certains aspects liés à la construction des ouvrages défensifs de la Ville. Les nouvelles données recueillies, en association avec celles provenant des interventions antérieures et la documentation d&#039;époque, démontrent que ces passages temporaires faisaient partie intégrante du projet élaboré par l&#039;ingénieur français de I,éry. Leurs présences permettaient en effet d&#039;obtenir un accés plus direct au chantier avec tous les avantages qui s&#039;y rattachent.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">V. Geist</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Guthrie</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Frozen Fauna of the Mammoth Steppe. The Story of Blue Babe</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">256-257</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GELEAN, Shannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Traditional Use Study Program of British Columbia, Canada</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Canadian Constitution and Court of Appeal rulings have mandated that Provincial Governments are legally required to prevent the unjustifiable infringement of aboriginal rights. The Provincial TUS Program recognizes the value of identifying and evaluating Traditional Use Sites for the purpose of resource management planning. Although the TUS does not specify aboriginal rights, it serves as a framework for determining what traditional uses of the land fit within the legally established framework. This paper will look at how the program has evolved in the current political and legal context and how it fits into overall resource management planning.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Gendron</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Boulder Field Archaeology in Nunavik: Methodological and Interpretative Issues / L&#039;archéologie des champs de blocs au Nunavik: Problë</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Over the last 15 years, the Avataq Cultural Institute has identified and excavated a growing number of archaeological sites located in boulder fields, and most of these sites are Early Palaeoeskimo in origin. Traditional excavation methods and techniques had to be adapted to this particular setting. This paper will discuss briefly these methodological issues, as well as their impact on the interpretation of the archaeological remains.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Gendron</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David S. Whitley</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Introduction to Rock Art Research</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">261-263</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Gendron</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tommy WEETALUKTUK</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">PUBLIC AWARENESS AND ARCHAEOLOGY IN NUNAVIK</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">No abstract submitted</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Gendron</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pierre M. Desrosiers</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Noura Rahmani</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fouilles récentes au site de Tayara (KbFk-7)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Gendron</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Louis Gagnon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Pinard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Once Were... Shamen? Kiinatuqarvik: A Multidisciplinary Project of Unique Dorset Petroglyphs</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1996 a multidisciplinary project named Kiinatuqarvik (an Inuit word meaning &#039;faces appearing on the rock&#039;) was initiated by the Avataq Cultural Institute following a request from the Kangirsujuaq Community. The Avataq archaeologists were joined in their endeavor by researchers from Laval University and elsewhere. Right from the onset, this long-term project became a multidisciplinary research programme aimed at documenting, studying and protecting the various rock-engraved locations, as well as to construe their place, functions and meanings in the development of local and regional history, especially from the Dorset period onward. Also, one of the main objectives has been to assess the state of preservation of these unique Eastern Arctic sites in the perspective of developing a procedure for the conservation and the responsible management of those non-renewable cultural resources. For the first 3 years, the fieldwork mainly focused on one of those petroglyph sites: Qajartalik (JhEv-1). Although this site had been partly analysed during the 1960s, the visual content (petroglyphs per se) had not been fully recorded, and, overall, the archaeological potential still remained to be carefully exploited. Since this rock engraving site is also an important component of a soapstone quarry, studying the site&#039;s activity areas and their surroundings might yield significant clues about its past exploitation, both for economical and ideological purposes, especially during the Dorset period. This paper will present some of the results we obtained so far. In particular, the authors intend to address some questions related to the relationships between the site&#039;s physical and symbolic components with regard to the Dorset occupation in this region, and to its presumed shamanic nature when compared with the Dorset religious domain as a whole.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GENDRON, Danielle</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Nunavik Petroglyph Project: A Summary of the First Two Field Seasons /Le projet des pétroglyphes du Nunavik: un résumé des de</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">General, Paul</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Warrick</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Haudenosaunee (Six Nations) and Archaeological Perspectives on Site Preservation in Southern Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Land development in southern Ontario causes the excavation of over 100 Indigenous sites per year. It is rare that sites are preserved when threatened by development, despite the &quot;conservation ethic&quot; that demands that archaeologists place site preservation before excavation. Site significance criteria guide archaeologists in making decisions on which sites will be &quot;saved&quot; through excavation. Indigenous peoples in Ontario have different site significance criteria and perspectives on site preservation. The Haudenosaunee (Six Nations) believe that archaeological excavation of ancestral sites should be a last resort, especially for any sites with the possibility for burials. If it is not possible to protect and preserve ancestral sites, the Haudenosaunee would like to be consulted because their site significance criteria give precedence to sites that are not always the largest, oldest, or densest. Consultation with the Haudenosaunee and other Indigenous communities in southern Ontario needs to become part of standard archaeological practice.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">George, Brandy E.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Native North Americans and Archaeology: Struggling for Middle Ground</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The relationship between archaeologists and First Nations groups in Canada is an increasing concern and an important issue is whether this relationship can be called a &quot;partnership&quot; in which both benefit. This is a topic discussed in detail by both archaeologists and First Nations, but not from the perspective that I wish to address it. Being a Native North American archaeologist gives me a unique perspective. In the past two years I have worked with several First Nations groups in various archaeological contexts and would like to share aspects of these projects, including what I learned from these experiences. Furthermore, I have an interest in what archaeological encounters other First Nations people have had, and will include a preliminary look at these experiences.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">George, Brandy E.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Manufacturing and Seasoning: Possibilities for Research Relating To Ontario Precontact Pottery Function</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The functionality of Ontario precontact pottery is an area in which experimentation, research and published material is lacking. Most often, aspects related to decoration, time period and cultural affiliation are sought after while potential pottery usage is generally ignored. In the manufacturing and seasoning of a series of ceramic vessels, a multi-faceted approach is used in which experimental methods are employed, archaeological and ethnographic examples are consulted, and all are combined to make assumptions in relation to possible pottery function for the Ontario archaeological record. Ultimately the aim of this paper is to look at precontact ceramics as functional tools in an effort to open up more avenues for research, and to encourage the use of experimental archaeology to test theories of artifact function in general.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig GERLACH</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pete BOWERS</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robin MILLS</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Site Structure and the Organization of a Late Prehistoric and Early Historic Archaeological Site near Anaktuvuk Pass, Alaska</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent archaeological investigations in Anaktuvuk Pass, Alaska, resulted in the excavation of nearly 200 m2 and 21 features at a late prehistoric/early historic camp, butchering and processing site (XCL-359). More than 38 features were identified, including tent rings, hearths, cache pits, windbreaks, hunting blinds and caribou and mountain sheep processing areas. Repeated occupations over the past 1600 years by late phases of the Arctic Small Tool tradition and other late prehistoric components produced thousands of identifiable faunal elements, thousands of lithic artifacts, and a small amount of late 19th and 20th century Nunamiut material. We examine the spatial organization of all categories of recovered artifactual and faunal material, statistically position these data in relation to the spatial distribution of features, discuss site seasonality, and evaluate a new model of site structure in relation to previous behavioral and archaeological models of site structure and organization for the Nunamiut at Anaktuvuk Pass.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig GERLACH</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">De l&#039;utilisation des témoins historiques en gestion de la faune et en biologie de conservation en Alaska et au Canada</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig GERLACH</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lawrence K. Duffy</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Maribeth S. Murray</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">évaluation des niveaux de mercure chez le caribou de l&#039;Alaska de l&#039;Antiquité et des temps modernes : conséquences pour</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig GERLACH</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Maribeth S. Murray</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Counting Coup or Counting Calories - The Role of Whaling in Thule Origins and the Eastern Expansion</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In this paper we re-evaluate the archaeological evidence for whaling in Western Thule culture. We consider the extent to which whaling shaped Thule culture and what role, if any, whaling played in the Thule expansion into Canada. Implications for the nature of Dorset/Thule contact are also drawn out.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carlos Germann</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Burley</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology in Alberta 1983</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1986</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">10</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">225-226</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carlos Germann</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Towards Archaeological Resource Co-Regulation and Management</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">First Nations are expressing increasing interest in the management of aboriginal heritage. Although involvement to date in Western Canada has been mainly concerned with the disposition of sacred sites and objects, trends in the U.S., Australia, and elsewhere suggest that greater involvement in the co-regulation and management of aboriginal archaeological resources on the non-Indian lands can be expected here. What is co-management, and what can provincial regulatory agencies and the archaeological community generally expect in this new bilateral partnership? In this paper archaeological resource co-management is examined by considering basic objectives and operating principles, possible co-management opportunities primarily as they relate to resource regulation (e.g. land development review, investigation permitting and compliance, impact management, etc.), and some of the main problems or issues that may hinder co-management. Finally, prospects and recommendations for making archaeological resource co-regulation and co-management work are presented.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Germann, C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Full-Serve to Self-Serve: Saskatchewan&#039;s Archaeological Inventory Remote Access System</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Provincial and territorial archaeological site inventories are increasingly used in regional land use and development planning, tourism and recreational planning, archaeological research and resource management, and elsewhere. In Saskatchewan, two developments in particular have helped increase the provincial inventory&#039;s utility and value: more exacting and consistent site recording standards which improved data quality and reliability, and database automation which made information retrieval significantly faster and easier. However, handling the increasing demand for inventory-related client services (with fewer and fewer operational resources) required shifting emphasis away from a full service approach, to enabling inventory users to serve thernselves. Saskatchewan&#039;s archaeological remote access system enables authorized individuals to directly access basic inventory data from virtually any micro-computer station. This paper briefly describes the technical specifications and current scope of this preliminary, largely experimental system. Prospects for enhancing the system to enable more sophisticated database analyses are also discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carlos Germann</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lorne CARRIER</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Working Together: Reburial and Repatriation in Saskatchewan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatchewan archaeology is forging a new and maturing relationship with First Nations – one that increasingly sees resource management as a cooperative venture. In the spirit of mutual respect, consultation, and cooperation, and as a demonstration of these important principles, Saskatchewan is now aggressively engaged in archaeological reburial and repatriation. In this paper, several recent projects including the reburial of all extant burial collections (including the Moose Bay Mound and Grey Ossuary), and the repatriation of several sacred boulder monuments (such as the Mankota Salamander and the Hardy Turtle Effigy) to their original locations, are discussed. The unique problems encountered during these projects, how these problems were resolved, and what lessons can be learned from the experience are considered. The perspectives and insights of the Elders and spiritual leaders who participated in these projects will also be shared. Finally the prospects for continued First Nations consultation, archaeological heritage co-management, and reburial in Saskatchewan, including a joint First Nations-Provincial government proposal to acquire and establish a common burial ground for all future archaeological burial discoveries, are discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Benjamin Alberti</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Joan M. Gero</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Yutopian: Archaeology, Ambiguity and the Production of Knowledge in Northwest Argentina</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2017</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">41</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">117-120</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gerrard, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Museums, Cyberspace and the Construction of Archaeological Context</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Context n.Parts that precede or follow a passage and fix its meaning (out of-, without these and hence misleading); ambient conditions; in this- (connection); hence contextual. a. [ME, f.L contextus f. con (texture text- weave] -The Concise Oxford Dictionary, New Edition (1976) From our earliest introduction to archaeology, we are often told that we destroy the context of artifacts during the course of excavating them. While this is often used as an intimidation tactic at field schools to make the student excavators take better notes, it could give us pause for reflection about what do we mean when we refer to &#039;the context of archaeological objects&#039;. We are all familiar with archaeological context in terms of stratigraphy and culture-history. For this reason, I will begin by taking one step away from the field and look at other archaeological contexts in museums outside these areas. In continuing to explore this process, and to try to come to an understanding of the essence of &#039;context in archaeology, I will take an even larger step away from the rarefied atmosphere of museums to examine archaeology inside the world of the computer, or archaeology in Cyberspace.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Working in the Real World: Ethical Standards and Professional Protocols in Canadian Archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The number of professional archaeologists in Canada has continued to grow at a rapid rate. As new professional archaeologists enter the work force, they are confronted with a work environment that is much more complex than their past experiences, and especially their past training, has ever prepared them for. Perhaps one of the most difficult aspects of being a new archaeologist is learning how to deal with professionals from other disciplines, especially in the consulting world. Other new professionals, such as doctors, lawyers, engineers and foresters, have the benefit of entering into their work environment with an established professional code of ethics and procedures, and can become members of an organization that maintains, promotes and defends these ethics. They can always draw upon their professional corp for ethical guidance, educational upgrading and even dispute settlement. There has been some effort to create professional archaeological organizations in this country, but many have as their foundation exclusionist principles, or are focused on a regional basis. Those that espouse the broader professional view have not caught on, even though the benefits they can provide are obvious. In summary, archaeologists in Canada have no established archaeological creed, nor are they even taught in university that having professional ethical standards just might be a good thing. This paper examines the professional standards and protocols developed by other disciplines, reviews past efforts in promoting Canadian professionalism and proposes some new ideas about how Canadian archaeologists can cooperate to build their own professional society.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">From Map to Screen : Practical Applications of a Map-Based Heritage Inventory System</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Three years of research and development have been spent on perfecting a simple geographic information systern which can be used by a variety of disciplines to record map-based heritage data. In the past year the system, based on HyperCard running on a Macintosh computer, has become the primary information management tool for several large heritage inventory programs. The comprehensive scope and large areal extent of these projects severely tested the basic assumptions used in the original design of the mapping system. Unanticipated problems with map scale, mapsheetedge matching, data storage, mappingspeed and ease of use necessitated extensive redesign. Changes in the kinds of information collected also required major redesign of the data base manager. The problems and solutions are discussed with reference to actual examples taken frorn the projects. Ultimately, it was the special requirements of heritage information and not, as is so often the case, the available software, which dictated the final GIS system design.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Elizabeth May</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Historical Resources and Economic Development: The Road Ahead for Bodo</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Bodo archaeological site complex, located in east-central Alberta, has received on-going archaeological attention since 1995. Located in a minor sand dune outlier east of the Neutral Hills, the archaeological remains appear to represent a heavily occupied late precontact habitation locality extending for at least 4 km along the south side of Eyehill Creek. Despite four years of relatively intensive investigation, much of the site character remains poorly understood, and its full extent has not yet been determined. Nevertheless, what has been found at the site is startling, for the sheer density of material recoveries and their remarkable preservation, as well as their seemingly limitless extent.Several local rural communities have now taken an active interest in the site locality, and consider it a valuable source for future economic development in a region where drought and BSE have severely disrupted the traditional ways of making a living. Local residents have long accepted the role of academic research as a social benefit, but they are now providing significant financial support to continue that research, in expectations that a viable tourism industry will arise. However, many tasks remain before significant economic development can ensue, including resolution of land ownership, protection and preservation of the historical remains even as their economic exploitation is considered, and consultation with First Nations regarding their role in scientific interpretation and economic development of the resources. In particular, this paper addresses various scenarios for research and economic development of the Bodo historical remains in the near future and considers what long range historical studies can provide for economic rejuvenation for the local and regional economy.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Darryl Bereziuk</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beames, Katherine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Développement et mise en &amp;oelig;uvre de la gestion du patrimoine : outils à usage industriel en Alberta</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gibson, Terrence H.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Proposal for the Integration of Canada&#039;s Archaeological Database</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeologists have been storing all kinds of information into every conceivable computer data base for over 30 years. Not surprisingly, most of this information, painstakingly mannered in by keypunching or hand digitizing over the decades, is simply so much dead-storage now, destined for the great blue box of history. It is not to say that this information is unusable - it is just that the data are stored in some unique, often intricate way which the designer has long since abandoned and probably forgotten. This loss of past work is regrettable, but at least the original research information is still available in the form of field and lab notes and artifacts. Today, things are different. It is the rare archaeologist indeed who does not use a personal computer for a significant portion of their research. Archaeologists regularly catalogue their artifacts using their own custom computer databases, producing only a minimal paper record of their artifact descriptions. Important primary information can be found only on custom computer files. This information, possibly more important than the raw artifacts and catalogues which by law must be archived, consists of electronic field notes, computer-drawn maps and diagrams, digitized images and even sounds. These data are rarely considered for archiving. How can this information be saved from oblivion? Since it is all digital in form, one should be able to access the information via a computer link. The problem is, a standard is required which should establish how electronic archaeological information should be organized so that anybody using any kind of computer can access at least part of every record. This paper examines the kinds of digitally stored data that must be considered, describes a sample data structure that can accommodate the data types, and suggests national organizations which might be able to establish and maintain such an electronic standard.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Taking CRM into the Far Future: Integrating Historical Resource Concerns into LP Canada&#039;s Long Range Planning System in West Central Manitoba</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In most Canadian provinces the forest industry has begun to address historical resources concerns within their regular planning and operational guidelines. However, methods of achieving compliance to general historical resource protection regulations vary between jurisdictions and between forestry companies. In a previous paper, Gibson et. al. described a set of heritage management protocols called CRIMP (Cultural Resources Impact Management Planning) that consisted of custom GIS historical databases, heritage potential models, industrial impact models and calculating tools that assisted forestry-related and other industrial managers to plan proposed land developments. The tools were instrumental in minimizing potential impact to historical resources sites and were found to reduce associated field survey costs related to regulatory compliance requirements substantially.The CRIMP Management Tools were originally developed as part of a stand-alone historical management process, to be used as part of both short and long-term corporate land planning operations. Current research is focused on integrating this process and its associated tools within a more comprehensive forecasting methodology that incorporates environmental and social data and land development planning into an expert system that can help predict the effects of forestry and other kinds of developments on a landscape for hundreds of years into the future. The system can be used to plan developments on a &#039;what it&#039; basis, dynamically changing planning scenarios as input variables such as heritage potential or site location are modified over time.This paper will review the different heritage potential models, thematic historical data and projected industrial impact information produced to implement such a system for the Duck Mountain region in West Central Manitoba, Alternative land management planning scenarios for the present and ensuing decades will then be explored to highlight the potential of the system for long term heritage management.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Remnant Oxbow on the Northern Plains</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">5</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">131-136</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chronological data from Oxbow sites within and around the fringes of the northern plains is reviewed, and used to suggest a movement of Oxbow from the plains environment into the parkland and boreal forest fringes. At the same time, other Oxbow groups continued to occupy the plains area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">HYPERGIS: GIS PLAIN AND SIMPLE</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Although Geographic Information Systems are becoming more commonly used for archaeological studies, many archaeologists, ethnographers and ethnohistorians are reluctant to make use of GIS techniques, because the systems are so difficult to design and operate. However, most heritage-related studies do not require the vast array of analytical tools offered by GIS systems that make them so incomprehensible to untrained researchers. What most people want is a simple way of tying database information to geographic location. This paper demonstrates several ways how this can be done simply, cheaply and effectively using HyperCard.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GIBSON, Terrance</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Of GISs and PDAs: Strategies for Automated Archaeological Mapping and Field Data Collection</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Usually, unpredictable field situations make archaeological survey data very difficult to collect without resorting to the centuries-old technique of writing notes in a diary or notebook and annotating maps at various scales. Even with the advent of powerful laptop computers, field recording still relies heavily on paper and maps, because laptops just aren&#039;t made for truly mobile data recording. For several years, archaeologists have been experimenting with the use of PDAs (Personal Digital Assistants -pen-based hand held computers) as a means of overcoming the limitations of laptop data collection. Practical experience suggests that if PDA software is carefully designed for specific archaeological applications, such instruments can function as highly efficient survey data loggers, making rapid incorporation of field data into GISs quite feasible. The trick is to decide what PDA to use, what software to use with it, how to maintain recording accuracy and ultimately how to integrate the collected data seamlessly with a GIS. Early adopters of this technology/methodology mix must ride the wave of market-driven innovation, which is never stable and rarely predictable. This paper describes one such experience, that illustrates the perils of research and development in this area, and also the advantages that can be gained in using PDA data-loggers with GIS for archaeological data collection.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Elizabeth H. Mann</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Academy in the Rural Community: The Bodo Research Park</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The University of Alberta has been conducting successful archaeological field schools at the prolific Bodo Sites Locality in east central Alberta since 2002. Public interest in the work has continued to escalate, so much so that various levels of government, and politicians, have taken notice. The Bodo Archaeological Society has supported the university work since the society&#039;s inception in 2003, and has now embarked on an ambitious tourism initiative with a non-archaeological avocational society partner that foresees the Bodo Locality as being a key component of a new regional industry in eastern Alberta. Unfortunately, the University has only been able to conduct field schools at Bodo up to now with the assistance of public and corporate funding, primarily to look after the overwhelming archaeological data recovered from the site every summer.However, the University is committed to developing a growing academic presence in rural Alberta, and public and political pressure is compelling the institution to continue and expand its archaeology program at Bodo. Consequently, the University has requested that some solution be found whereby the institution can maintain its research and teaching in the locality while accommodating expanding public interest and the potential economic development opportunities that will arise. The Bodo Research Park emphasizes university-based research and education in partnership with the community driven goals of the Bodo Archaeological Society. The proposed project is founded upon the idea that archaeological research is interesting to the public whether through passive observation or active participation. The partnership revolves around the University of Alberta providing the research and educational resources and the Bodo Archaeological Society managing and maintaining a public program. This pioneering partnership arrangement is now under review and it is anticipated that the program could begin as early as June 2005.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Variation and Population Dynamics: Interpretive Implications from a Single Selkirk Occupation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Theoretical studies of Selkirk ceramic variability have always emphasized a regional perspective when attempting to characterize prehistoric human interaction. However, though rarely considered by archaeologists, significant ceramic variability occurred within Selkirk occupations as well as between them. In fact, intra-site variability in style, manufacture and use of ceramics can reflect a wide variety of human interactions that are usually not detectable at the regional, inter-site level of interpretation. Some of these intra-site ceramic behaviours have profound implications for our understanding of regional Selkirk variability as reflected in the ceramic record. This paper will discuss some types of intra-site ceramic behaviour which are of potential import to regional interpretation of the Selkirk Composite, drawing upon specific data collected from Bushfield West, a large single component Selkirk camp-site located in central-eastern Saskatchewan.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James T. FINNIGAN</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Heritage Management in the Forest Industry: Addressing National Canadian Standards</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The major forestry companies in Saskatchewan have dealt with heritage concerns in their licensed forestry areas since 1992. A pilot program which explored in detail such issues as heritage potential modelling, detailed impact analysis and integrated management planning, evolved into a diverse suite of heritage management methods tailored to the needs and circumstances of each company. However, the latest work suggests that this diversification in heritage management approaches can be eliminated by considering principles set forth by the Canadian and International Standards Associations using CSA-Z808 and 809 Sustainable Forest Management System and ISO 14001 Environmental Management System specifications. The new management approach stresses the development of a process for addressing heritage concerns that can be adopted relatively easily by any forestry company, and is based upon a high degree of self-compliancy. Its advantages are that it is understandable by both heritage managers and forest industry personnel, it is highly oriented towards assistance in planning for avoidance of heritage impacts and perhaps most importantly demonstrates a high regard for heritage resources that can be used as a bulwark against national and international criticism of forestry practices. Since the management model stresses archaeological management over archaeological field studies, it can be extremely cost-effective, especially for firms which must address diverse forestry operations over large tracts of land. The management approach uses heritage potential modelling, heritage impact modeling and standard cultural resource management principles in its implementation. Practical examples of its application for road construction, cutblock harvesting and silviculture are illustrated.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrance H. Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Development of a Heritage Management System for the Millar Western Forest Products FMA</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1997 and 1998 Western Heritage Services Inc, working in conjunction with staffs of Millar Western Forest Products, the Alberta Provincial Government and several other forest products firms, produced a prototype heritage management process to protect heritage resources within the province for the foreseeable future. Millar Western Forest Products subsequently pursued development of the prototype, and implemented a final version of the heritage management process in May 2000, the first forestry company in Alberta to begin the process of achieving compliance to the Alberta Historical Resources Act. The heritage management process, developed specifically for use in Alberta, consists of a number of interrelated study components, each of which provides specific data for managing concerns in the Millar Western FMA. The key approaches in protecting resources while maintaining a viable forest harvest involve predicting where heritage resources are located, determining what forestry practices will harm them and devising a solution to prevent or minimize the chances of damaging those resources. The process follows a step-wise set of procedures that are integrated into the existing Millar Western forest management process. Once the heritage potential of a given area is known (using information from a heritage potential model) and various levels of forestry practice impacts have been determined, a heritage management prescription is produced for every forestry operation. Since heritage values are considered automatically at every stage of the planning process, there is a greatly reduced chance that heritage resources will be encountered unexpectedly, causing forestry operation delays or disruptions. Since heritage values are integrated into the forestry planning process, costs for heritage compliance are reduced and heritage values are fully protected. The double poster set illustrates how heritage potential is determined, how impacts are classified and how heritage prescriptions are assigned and used by forestry planners to avoid disturbing cultural resources in a variety of forestry and other industrial development situations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terry Gibson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Sites and Forestry Impacts : Developing a Process for Long Term Heritage Management in the Forest Industry / Sites archéologique</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In CRM, a distinction is usually made between activities which can cause damage to heritage resources, and the actual damage that is caused. With regard to forestry, this distinction is more often than not lost to most archaeologists. The assumption is made that the forest industry in general will inevitably inflict significant damage to any heritage resources in the forest. However, five years of intensive examination of a wide variety of forestry activities indicates that this is an erroneous assumption. For example, the most visible effect of forestry is the cutting down of trees. Yet, analysis has shown that most ground impact from tree cutting is similar to that experienced by a natural forest fire. This begs the question: if tree cutting doesn&#039;t cause that much damage, what kinds of activities DO cause impacts, and how can they be effectively managed? In fact, under almost all situations, forestry impacts can be predicted and managed if three requirements can be satisfied: 1) the nature, significance and distribution of local archaeological resources are known 2) industrial forestry practices are identified 3) the relationships between forestry practices and archaeological resources are understood The first requirement is usually dealt with through regional archaeological overviews, often involving predictive modelling. Often as not, however, heritage management stops at that point, and forest industry planners are left dangling, wondering what to do with a heritage overview or potential model. This paper moves past the modelling stage, by addressing the second requirement from the perspective of the commercial forest industry in general, establishing parameters so that the last point can be explored. The result is a management strategy that fits into the integrated resource management operations of current forestry management programs, and can be sustained for centuries of forest practices.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gibson, T.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Magnetometer surveying: revitalizing an old archaeological technique</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Since the first application of the proton magnetometer to archaeological site prospection, archaeologists have repeatedly attempted to improve their ability to locate subsurface archaeological features on prehistoric and historic sites using magnetic survey techniques. More often than not, such attempts have resulted in questionable benefits or outright failure. Inevitably, the most successful surveys have occurred in conjunction with large archaeological programs blessed with ample budgets and long range research strategies, permitting sufficient time to perform pre-excavation magnetic surveys and enabling sophisticated computer analysis and mapping programs to be applied to raw magnetic data obtained. Though magnetic surveying has in such cases proved to be a profitable exercise, ironically, it is the director of a research project with a limited budget or an archaeological contractor with limited site salvage time who could most benefit from magnetic survey techniques. Recent advances in magnetic survey methodology and data analysis have greatly improved the potential of the proton magnetometer to reliably define subsurface archaeological features in sites formerly considered impossible to assess using remote sensing techniques. In addition, newly developed micro-computer hardware has usurped the traditional role of the often inaccessible institutional and commercial mainframe computer in carrying out complex statistical manipulations and plotting of raw field data. This development has enhanced the effectiveness of magnetic site assessment by increasing interpretation accuracy while decreasing survey time and cost. These technological and methodological advancements can now enable even small research and salvage projects to take advantage of timesaving remote sensing techniques with full expectation of valuable pre-excavation data being retrieved. This paper reviews the current state-of-the-art of archaeological magnetometric assessment, and presents suggestions on how magnetometer surveys can be applied to various archaeological sites with maximum potential of yielding useful results.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gilbert, Drew</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael J. Gallant</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David W. Black</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Distinguishing Carboniferous- from Mesozoic-Associated Chert Toolstones in the Canadian Maritimes</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Until about two decades ago, brightly coloured, variegated chert toolstones observed in the Maritimes prehistoric archaeological record were generally assumed to have been acquired by Native people from sources associated with the Jurassic-Triassic (Mesozoic) Scots Bay Formation sediments and North Mountain Formation basalts, exposed on the Nova Scotia side of the Bay of Fundy. More recently, it has become clear that prehistoric Native people acquired some brightly coloured, variegated chert toolstones from sources associated with the Early Carboniferous Mabou Group sediments, exposed around the edges of the New Brunswick Lowlands. Raw materials and finished artifacts of both of these chert types circulated in prehistoric lithic procurement and exchange systems during the Late Maritime Woodland period (ca. 1500 to ca. 500 B.P.). Frequently, artifacts made from both chert types are found in the same archaeological assemblages. Here, we present five criteria-patterns of (1) translucency and (2) variegation, presence of (3) carnelian and (4) strain fractures, and (5) type and scale of infilling silica fabric -for probabilistically distinguishing Carboniferous-associated from Mesozoic-associated chert toolstones using low-cost, low-technology, hand-specimen and microscopic examinations</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gilbert, Drew</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David W. Black</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Archaeological Exploration of Deer Island, N.B.: History and Recent Research</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Quoddy Region has the longest history of archaeological exploration of any part of New Brunswick. However, the prehistory of Deer Island, the largest island in the region, has been investigated only sporadically. This is surprising given the extensive collections of prehistoric artifacts held by avocational archaeologists on Deer Island. The presentation will summarize the history of archaeological investigations on Deer Island and report on a current research project being conducted there. Archaeological investigations at the Deer Island Point site (BfDr-5) were conducted in cooperation with a local avocational archaeologist. This multi-component coastal archaeological site which includes intertidal and terrestrial deposits has yielded artifacts spanning the past 4000 years. In addition to furthering archaeological knowledge of the Quoddy Region, the purpose has been to foster cooperative working relationships among professional and avocational archaeologists, landowners and the public.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gilbert, Drew</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Floating Stone: Watercraft and Lithic Procurement in Maine and the Maritimes</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Quoddy Region, in southwestern NB, was a nexus of toolstone trade and transport between Maine and the Maritimes. Watercraft played an integral role in the procurement and trade of both local and exotic toolstones from their original source(s) to where these artifacts were later deposited and recovered from the archaeological record. This paper will focus on the varied lithic materials recovered from the Deer Island Point site (BfDr5). The discussion will illustrate how watercraft enabled the relatively rapid transport of large amounts of lithic materials with less overall effort than land-based travel.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GILBERT, William</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE RUSSELL&#039;S POINT SITE: A PROTOHISTORIC BEOTHUK SITE IN TRINITY BAY</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In August, 1610, Newfoundland&#039;s first official colony was established at Cupers Cove (now Cupids) in Conception Bay under the direction of John Guy. In the autumn of 1612, Guy and 18 other colonists set sail from Cupids into Trinity Bay in an effort to establish friendly relations with the Beothuk Indians. On 26 October, the colonists discovered a Beothuk camp on the shores of a &#039;great fresh water lake&#039; about a mile inland from the bottom of Trinity Bay. The Russell&#039;s Point site is located on the western side of Dildo Pond in the community of Blaketown at the bottom of Trinity Bay. It was discovered in 1988 using information contained in John Guy&#039;s journal of his voyage and is generally believed to be the site visited by him on 26 October, 1612. Excavations were conducted at the site during 1994 and 1995 by the author. The results of these excavations combined with documentary evidence suggest that Russell&#039;s Point was a caribou kill site utilized by the Beothuk during the annual fall migration. Roughly 1,000 artifacts have been recovered to date and a high proportion of these are stone arrowheads typical of the protohistoric period. A small amount of European material has also been recovered, indicating that the Beothuks at Russell&#039;s Point had some contact with either migratory fishermen or colonists. The author will describe the results of the excavations to date and utilize archaeological data and documentary evidence in an attempt to better understand both the Russell&#039;s Point site and the Beothuk occupation of Trinity Bay.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GILBERT, William</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE SEARCH FOR CUPERS COVE</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In August, 1610, the London and Bristol Company for the Plantation of Newfoundland established a colony at Cupers Cove (now Cupids) in Conception Bay, Newfoundland. The Cupers Cove colony was the first English colony established in Canada. Although never a commercial success, the plantation marked the beginning of permanent European settlement in Newfoundland. Archaeological work was conducted at Cupids during 1973 and 1974 but failed to locate the Cupers Cove site. During July 1995 an archaeological survey of Cupids was conducted under the direction of the author and an early seventeenth-century site was discovered. Initial excavations were also undertaken to determine the site&#039;s state of preservation and potential for further excavation. Historians have generally held that the Cupers Cove colony was abandoned during the 1620s. However, the data recovered in 1995 suggests that the colony may have continued much longer than had previously been believed. Artifacts indicate an ongoing occupation or utilization of the area throughout most of the seventeenth century. The paper will detail the techniques used to locate the site and describe the results of the survey.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GILL, Alyson A</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Reinterpretation of the Arkteia: Redefining Artemis / Une nouvelle interprétation des choses antiques : redécouvrir Artémis</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The archaeological evidence furnished by excavations at Brauron provides substantial information about the cult of Artemis where young women underwent initiation before marriage, but the nature of the relationship between the cult at Brauron and the stoa of Artemis on the Athenian Akropolis needs to be explored. In 1963 Edmonson proposed that the stoa of Artemis on the Athenian Akropolis replaced the sanctuary at Brauron when it went out of use in the 3rd century B.C. This paper suggests that the Athenian stoa of Artemis was never intended to replace the Brauron cult, instead it functioned as an urban complement to the rural cult. Following the outbreaks of plague in Athens in the 420s, the initiations at Brauron acted as a rite of passage for elite young Athenian women and guaranteed their social standing through marriage among Athenian aristocratic families. I also propose that the stoa of Artemis on the Akropolis never served a specifically ritual function, but instead was used to house votives and lists of dedications from Brauron. Archaeological evidence suggests that the stoa probably predated the Chalkotheke, which functioned in a similar way. This interpretation emphasizes the diverse roles played by buildings on the Akropolis during the Classical period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gill-Robinson, Heather</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Using Advances in Technology to Study Bog Bodies: The Possibilities and Limitations</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Although various reports place the number of preserved bodies, or body parts, from the peat bogs of northwestern Europe at anything up to 1500, less than 50 bog bodies still exist. Most of the known bodies are either on display in museums or hidden in museum storeroom. The majority of the research on these bodies was conducted in the interval between discovery and conservation or display and little new research has been undertaken with these bodies in recent decades.This paper discusses the methods used in a current project to re-examine five Iron Age human mummies and one skull from the peat of northern Germany and will discuss the issues associated with invasive and non-invasive studies of mummified human remains.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jason D. Gillespie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Enculturing an Unknown World: Caches and Clovis Landscape Ideology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">171-189</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The scientific debate surrounding the first peopling of the Americas has largely centered on Clovis economic lifeways. There has been little discussion of either social or ideological aspects of Clovis culture. This is partly due to the difficulty in extracting this type of information from the archaeological record. However, phenomenology-based approaches to landscape archaeology provide a potential inroad to non-economic aspects of prehistoric cultural systems. Using archaeological data, general analogy, and theoretical models developed by landscape archaeologists, the ideological role of a subset of Clovis caches is investigated. It is argued that as colonization progressed, some caches were used to transfer a mobile sense of the landscape into a fixed sense of the landscape. This symbolic transformation was one part of a complex landscape-learning process that would have required significant economic, behavioral, and ideological adaptation.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Le débat scientifique entourant le peuplement des Amériques a été largement centré sur les aspects économiques de la culture Clovis. Il y a eu peu de discussion sur les aspects sociaux ou idéologiques de la culture Clovis. Ceci est en partie lié à la difficulté d&amp;#39;obtenir ce type d&amp;#39;informations des données archéologiques. Pourtant, dans l&amp;#39;archéologie du paysage, une approche basée sur la phénoménologie peut fournir une compréhension des aspects non-économiques des cultures préhistoriques. À travers des données archéologiques, des analogies générales et des modèles théoriques développés par des archéologues du paysage, le rôle idéologique d&amp;#39;un groupe de caches Clovis est examiné. Il est proposé que lorsque la colonisation du territoire progressait, certaines caches avaient pour but de transformer un sens mobile du paysage en un sens fixe du paysage. Cette transformation symbolique faisait partie d&amp;#39;un processus complexe menant à une connaissance du paysage qui aurait requis une adaptation économique, comportementale et idéologique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jason D. Gillespie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rethinking Taxonomy on the Northern Plains: A Comment on Yellowhorn&#039;s &quot;Regarding the American Paleolithic&quot;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">309-313</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;As Yellowhorn points out in his recent paper, the Northern Plains taxonomy suffers from several problems. While I agree that it is time to address these issues, his solution is too extreme and is itself flawed in many ways. Modifying the current taxonomy, rather than substituting an inappropriate Old World taxonomy, would better serve our discipline. It is time to cleanup the Northern Plains taxonomy, but we must do so without throwing out the baby with the bathwater.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Comme Yellowhorn le fait remarquer dans un article récent, la taxonomie des plaines nordiques a de nombreux problèmes. Tandis qu&amp;#39;il est bien temps d&amp;#39;adresser ces questions, je crois que sa solution est trop extrême, et qu&amp;#39;elle aussi est défectueuse sur plusieurs point. Une modification de la taxonomie actuelle, plutôt que sa substitution entière avec celle de l&amp;#39;Ancien Monde, mieux servirait notre discipline. On doit être capable de réparer les défauts de la taxonomie des plaines nordiques sans en perdre ses avantages.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jason D. Gillespie</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Larry J. Zimmerman</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Karen D. Vitelli</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Julie Hollowell-Zimmer</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ethical Issues in Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">172-175</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ginns, Janette M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conception Bay Underwater Survey 1988</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Four harbours in Conception Bay, on the northern shore of the Avalon Peninsula of Newfoundland, became the target of a series of short surveys undertaken by avocational divers with the Newfoundland Marine Archaeology Society. A total of eleven underwater sites were identified at Brigus, Bay Roberts, Harbour Grace and Bristol&#039;s Hope. These sites have been registered and include shipwrecks, anchorage points, old wharves, midddens, and related shoreline activity areas. Documentary sources indicate that Conception Bay was known to Europeans in the 16th century and was the first area of English influence in Newfoundland in the early 17th century. The settled population gradually increased and strong mercantile interests were established in the 18th and 19th centuries. Archaeological surveys on land have produced limited historical data for the area and no systematic underwater archaeological surveys had been conducted until this time. The results of the underwater survey in Conception Bay will be discussed. This will include an assessment of the contribution made to the inventory of submerged cultural resources in Newfoundland waters, communications with historical societies and people in local communities to protect the marine heritage, and the experience provided to divers to become involved in archaeological surveys in the province.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ginns, Janette M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sub Aqua 1, Holyrood, Newfoundland: A Field School Experience For Scuba Divers</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The inventory of submerged cultural resources in Newfoundland waters is limited. Archaeological surveys conducted by avocational groups have covered only a very small percentage of underwater areas in a systematic manner. Site assessments and surveys of specific areas conducted for archaeological clearance for proposed development projects will add to that database. However, it is only when individual archaeological resources are recorded in specific areas that a clearer understanding of the distribution and types of submerged cultural resources will result. Thus, the requirement for accurate reporting of underwater sites is important. In recent years a problem has arisen in providing scuba divers with sufficient theoretical and practical knowledge of the technical skills required by the underwater archaeologist. The situation needed to be improved through diver education. In the fall of 1988, a diving course specifically in underwater archaeology was set up with Sub Aqua 1982 Ltd. in St. John&#039;s. The course was taken by a small group of students for the NASDS (National Association of Scuba Diving Schools) Expert Diver Program. The introductory course provided a sound background in technical skills and emphasized hands-on experience. Open water work, to include the survey of a wreck site at Holyrood, Conception Bay, formed the interface between the theoretical knowledge gained by students in the classroom and the practical knowledge required for archaeological fieldwork. The successful field school experience, operated under an archaeological research permit granted by the Historic Resources Division, Department of Culture, Recreation and Youth, Government of Newfoundland and Labrador, will be outlined using the highly visual format of still photography and video presentation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Glaude, Matt</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Traditional Cultural Places and Aboriginal Landscapes: Protective Measures at the Federal Level in Canada</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The protection of cultural resources is essential for any society, as they serve as vessels of the shared human experience of thousands of generations. This paper seeks to identify the existing legal measures in Canada that are applicable to the protection of Traditional Cultural Places, in order to better understand their strengths and weaknesses. This review will consider the effectiveness of current Canadian Federal legislation aimed at mitigating environmental and cultural impacts stemming from development projects. While the Canadian practice of Cultural Resource Management has sought to protect current and historical objects and places regardless of cultural affiliations, efforts to protect Traditional Cultural Places would benefit from both a stricter adherence to the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act and additional provisions to the Historic Places Initiative.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Doug Glaum</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">British Columbia Provincial Heritage Database</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In British Columbia, recorded archaeological sites records are held in a provincial heritage inventory database. This database consists of approximately 28,000 site records and is increasing by about 1800 records a year. A recent provincial government initiative to update and maintain the database has allowed the review of site records and rebuilding of the supporting spatial and textual computer applications. The three goals of the record review are: to ensure that sites were correctly located at the 1:20,000 mapping scale; to plot larger sites as polygons instead of points; to add cultural resource management information to the map display. The resulting site and resource management data are presented in one application that combines relational database and geographic information functions. To date, the support system has been completed and 10% of the records have been reviewed. The project will take an additional five years to complete.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bonnie Glencross</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Elizabeth Matisoo-Smith</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">K. Ann Horsburgh</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">DNA for Archaeologists</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">343+345</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bonnie Glencross</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Warrick</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beatrice Fletcher</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In Search of Carhagouha: The Archaeological Identification of Two Early Seventeenth-Century Huron-Wendat Villages</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">158-180</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Since 2014, the Tay Point Archaeology Project has actively investigated Ahatsistari (BeGx-76) and Chew (BeGx-9), two Huron-Wendat village sites. Archaeological and historical evidence suggest Ahatsistari and Chew are good candidates for the historically referenced villages of Carhagouha and Quieunonascaran respectively, visited by the French ca. 1615–1616&amp;nbsp;CE and 1623–1624&amp;nbsp;CE. The geographic locations, inter-village distances, and sizes of Ahatsistari and Chew correspond with historic accounts of Carhagouha and Quieunonascaran. Recovered European-made artifacts securely date Ahatsistari to the first quarter and Chew to the second quarter of the seventeenth century, matching the recorded occupations of Carhagouha and Quieunonascaran. Exceptionally high glass bead densities and unusual European trade items point to intense trade between the French and Huron-Wendat and the presence of notable European visitors at Ahatsistari. Still to be located at Ahatsistari are a triple palisade and small cabin outside the village of Carhagouha that was occupied by Samuel de Champlain, Recollect friar Joseph Le Caron, and French traders.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Depuis 2014, le Projet Archéologique de Tay Point a enquêté sur les sites d’Ahatsistari (BeGx-76) et Chew (BeGx-9), deux villages Hurons-Wendat. Les recherches archéologiques et historiques suggèrent qu’Ahatsistari et Chew sont des bons candidats pour les villages historiquement référencés de Carhagouha et Quieunonascaran visité par les français A.D.&amp;nbsp;1615–1616 et 1623–1624. Les emplacements géographiques, les distances entre les villages, et les superficies d’Ahatsistari et de Chew correspondent aux récits ethnohistoriques de Carhagouha et de Quieunonascaran. Des artefacts récupérés de fabrication européenne datent Ahatsistari au premier quart et Chew du deuxième quart du XVII&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; siècle. Ces dates cadrent bien aux occupations suggérées pour Carhagouha et Quieunonascaran. Des densités de perles de verre exceptionnellement élevées et des articles européens indiquent un commerce intense entre les Français et les Hurons-Wendat et la présence de visiteurs européens notables à Ahatsistari. La triple palissade et la petite cabane à l’extérieur du village de Carhagouha qui était occupée par Samuel de Champlain, le prêtre Joseph Le Caron, et les commerçants Français restent encore à trouver.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chris Shaw</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Paul Goldsmith</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Talking Stone: Rock Art of the Cosos</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">262-263</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Goldsmith, A. Sean</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Flat but not Empty: Houselot Data Collection in the Maya Region</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological remains of ancient complex societies have traditionally been defined on the basis of visible architectural features, and those of the Maya region are no exception. Even the burgeoning field of household archaeology, considered in the Maya area to be a counterpoint to the excavation of large elite or civic structures, is usually contextualized by reference to the excavation of visibly mounded remains. An expanded spatial methodology - termed as the &#039;houselot approach&#039; - is employed in this paper to broaden the subsurface data collection capacity of household archaeology. Such an expanded scope is intended to allow more meaningful comparisons between spatially patterned archaeological material and ancient domestic behaviour.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GOLTZ, Grant</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">E. Leigh Syms</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Textile Bag Impressions on Late Woodland Pottery from the Central Northern Interior / Empreintes de fibres textiles sur des poteries du Sylvicole sup&amp;</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Since the early 1970&#039;s, textile impressions on Native ceramics have been a focus of interest in the western Boreal Forest of Manitoba, northwestern Ontario and northern Minnesota. Analysis of latex and plasticene impressions have provided important insights. Recent replicative experiments in making ceramic vessels in pliable, sprang (knotless netting) bags have demonstrated the speed, ease, and effective construction of thin-walled vessels using this technique. The controversy regarding the identification of this technique versus cord-wrapped paddle or the rolling of cord-wrapped dowels is explored.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gordon, B.C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reindeer/Caribou Exploitation–A Comparison of Two Water Crossings</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reindeer or caribou are and were the most important resource base for the majority of northern hunting societies. A comparison is made between prehistoric and ethnohistoric water crossings belonging to the Barrenland Chipewyan. Herd accumulation, harvesting, and dispersal are discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diana Lynn Gordon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rocks, Water and a Dog: Structural Variation between the Witch Point Site (CgRa-7) and the Three Pines Site (CgHa-6), Lake Temagami</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Excavations in 1993 at the Witch Point Site revealed structural and ceremonial features not previously encountered by the author on other Lake Temagami sites. The prehistoric inhabitants in the Archaic, Middle Woodland and late Woodland periods spent considerable effort in collecting and transporting beach cobbles onto the 4 in high esker top. The cumulative effect is a rock pavement in a sandy substrate. Sweat baths, roasting pits, hearths and lithic raw material caches are among the likely functions for these rock structures. In the unusually thick, organic enriched Ah horizon, Late Woodland pottery (Huron Incised style) dominates, compared to the predominantly Middle Woodland components at Three Pines Site which is located on a low sand terrace on the opposite lake shore. Of particular note at Witch Point, is the occurrence of red ochre nodules, red ochre paste pottery, clear quartz crystals and a dog burial, which all suggest ritual and ceremonial activities. This paper examines variation in site structure, settlement features and stratigraphic sequence between the Witch Point Site and the Three Pines Site. It considers several explanations for these major differences based on seasonality, changing lake levels, technological change and social factors influencing variation in site usage and function over time.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diana Lynn Gordon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reflections on Refuse: A Contemporary Example from James Bay, Quebec</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1980</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">083-097</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;An Eastern Cree winter camp in James Bay, Quebec provides a contemporary example of the treatment and disposal of faunal bone. In the field observations and identifications are compared to recent native harvesting studies and ethnographic accounts of two similar hunting groups. In light of Eastern Cree religious concepts, it can be seen that the spatial distribution of the animal remains reflects a symbolic pattern of disposal.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nous avons étudié l&#039;altération et la déposition du matériel faunique dans un camp d&#039;hiver des Cris de l&#039;Est, à la Baie James. Les observations et les identifications de terrain sont alors comparées aux résultats d&#039;études de collecte et aux relevés ethnographiques de deux groupes de chasse semblables. Il semble que, à la lumière des concepts religieux des Cris de l&#039;Est, l&#039;on puisse interpréter la distribution des restes fauniques comme le reflet de normes symboliques.</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diana Lynn Gordon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John H. McAndrews</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian D. Campbell</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Palaeohydrology and Prehistoric Occupations of Lake Temagami: Preliminary Research</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">One goal of the archaeological research at Lake Temagami is to discover the full sequence of prehistoric occupation since deglaciation (ca. 10,500 B.P.). Surveys and site excavations to date have focused on the modern shoreline. Lake and river shores formed an important ecotone for hurnan occupation in the Upland Shield - Boreal Forest as seen from ethnographic and archaeological settlement pattern studies. In order to trace prehistoric occupations through time, it is necessary to, reconstruct past shoreline configurations. Recent work indicates that lake levels in the complex north-south basin of Lake Temagami have been dynamic. Differential isostatic rebound is posited as the mechanism, with the northern end of the lake rebounding faster than the southern end. This phase of the research focuses on reconstructing the palaeohyhydrology of Lake Temagami, as a means of predicting archaeological site location. The effects of isostatic rebound were computer modelled by digitizing MNR 1:20,000 basemaps and applying published rebound curves. Initial results predict a 30m vertical displacement of the north end of the lake, relative to the south, at 9,500 B.P. Two separate lakes, one draining northeast through Sharp Rock Inlet, and the other draining northeast through the town of Temagami, would result. As the basins rebounded, lake regression would occur near these outlets, resulting in palaeoshorelines inland from the modern shoreline. Fieldwork in 1991 involved coring bogs at the two outlets. The preliminary results bear out several predictions of the computer model. This work has several archaeological implications. First, Lake Temagami levels underwent rapid change. Sites on the present shoreline may not provide the full sequence of prehistoric occupation. Second, changing lake levels differentially affected the basin; while inland archaeological survey may be useful for locating early sites, it is only appropriate in selected locales. Third, local effects of changing lake levels on travel routes, lithic sources, and fauna resources merit consideration in reconstructions of pre-historic land usage. Finally, this work has implications for heritage planning.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gordon, Bryan C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reindeer Herd Following in Northeast European Russia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Bolshoi or Big Tundra is bordered west by the White Sea, north by the Kara Sea, east by the northern Urals and south by the east-west flowing lower Pechora River. Here, biologists have mapped four reindeer migration routes leading to one calving ground on the White and three on the Kara Sea. The Kara Sea calving grounds are on the Ugor Peninsula, a low Ural extension leading to Novaya Zemlya. Its two eastern calving grounds and migration routes are of archaeological interest because of dozens of archaeological sites and their proximity to the Vorkuta airport and railhead. Both routes run north from the Pechora, the western route following the Rogobaya River upstream where it crosses to the headwaters of the Korotaika. Partly descending the Korotaika it crosses to a tributary of the Kara River which enters Baidaratskaya Bay of the Kara Sea. The eastern route parallels the Usa Valley and crosses to another Kara tributary. The archaeological sites have many Neolithic, Mesolithic and Bronze Age tools, plus artifacts of the current Nentsy Samoyed reindeer herders who have lived here for a thousand years. In the summer of 1994 the tool and art styles and trade goods of the Nensty and their predecessors will be compared to quantify the type and amount of past human contact between the western and eastern routes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gordon, Bryan C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Effect of Herd-Following on Material Culture</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Beverly caribou range is triangular, with base extending frorn the Churchill river of northern Saskatchewan 1000 km to its calving ground apex near the Back River south of the Arctic Ocean. Each spring since deglaciation, caribou follow the tundra migration route to calve in late May and early June. After 4-6 weeks of post-calving aggregation they and their calves are joined by late arriving bulls, the huge combined herd moving south in late summer past treeline. After a brief forest sojourn the herd rate in October at treeline before returning to the forest for winter. In summer, autumn and winter, it is hunted for its meat, hide, sinew, bone and antler. Using 1002 human occupation north and south of treeline, the relationship between toolkits and seasonal activities is evaluated.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">B. Gordon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Of men and reindeer in French Magdalenian prehistory</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Physical manipulation of reindeer teeth, plus the ageing of teeth to determine seasonality of death, were covered in the last annual meeting. It was found that control specimens accurately reflect known age of animal and hence, seasonal occupation by hunters of archaeological sites. Additional information on annular increments of reindeer-caribou and other teeth using sheltered animals on fixed diet will re-open the discussion. This will be followed by interpretation of increment counts of teeth taken from 54 Magdalenian sites, chiefly from S.W. France. Observations of suggested reindeer and hunting band movements 10-15,000 years ago will be discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diana Lynn Gordon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David W. Black</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Formal Stratigraphic Analyses and Prehistoric Archaeology: Two Examples</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Since the mid-1970&#039;s, there has been a revival of interest in the stratigraphy of archaeological sites. Several archaeologists have proposed formal systems of stratigraphic analyses. One of these was developed by Edward Harris for analyzing complex stratification in British historic sites. This presentation illustrates how the authors have adopted Harris&#039; system and applied to two different North American prehistoric archaeological contexts: 1) a shallow, disturbed, multi-component habitation site in northern Ontario, and 2) a deep, undisturbed, multi-component shell midden in southern New Brunswick.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diana Lynn Gordon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">IN CONTEXT: APPROACHES TO THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD OF THE THREE PINES SITE (CgHa-6), LAKE TEMAGAMI, ONTARIO</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Analyses of the soils, a pollen core, the geomorphology and the microstratigraphy of the Three Pines Site, were integrated to reconstruct some of the natural and cultural processes which have formed this shallow, multi-component site typical of the Canadian Shield. The Three Pines Site is a baymouth bar, created sometime after deglaciation (ca. 10,500 B.P.) and available for human occupation by at least 6400 B.P. Repeated seasonal occupations by Archaic, Initial Woodland, Terminal Woodland, Historical and Modern period groups have left a time series of minute cultural modifications to the landscape. The nature and the relative temporal sequence of these events were identified through the use of a Harris Matrix stratigraphic analysis. This provided a basis for phasing the settlement traces, artifacts and other archaeological sediments into a temporal sequence of occupations. This contextual/stratigraphic approach (cf. Butzer 1982; Harris 1979) involves conceptualizing the archaeological record as a time series of physical deposits, whose form and nature reflect the cumulative total of all events, activities and processes which have operated to create the archaeological site as it exists today. This viewpoint allows for artifacts to be considered within their stratigraphic context, sites in their palaeoenvironmental context and ultimately hunter-gatherer behaviour within the context of the human ecosystem.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bryan C. Gordon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1974 Thule culture investigations at Baker Lake, N. W. T.</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1974</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">6</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">218-224</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gordon, Bryan C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nadlok and the Origins of the Copper and Caribou Inuit</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Copper usage, heavy caribou and fish subsistence, extensive inland knowledge and mythology suggested inland origins for Copper and Caribou Inuit to Jenness and Birket-Smith. This was widely accepted until the mid-20th century when archaeologists suggested Thule coastal origins instead. The archaeological site of Nadlok in extreme southeast Copper Inuit territory is on the traditional Bathurst Inlet trade route to the Caribou Inuit. The Barrenland distribution of copper tools, winter houses, radiocarbon-dated floors, and trees are used to determine whether Nadlok was simply a trade center or whether it and related sites were formative to both Inuit groups.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Olga I. Goriunova</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrzej WEBER</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kurma XI : un nouveau cimetiére de l&#039;âge du bronze sur le lac Baïkal</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Goriunova, Olga Ivanovna</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Khuzhir-Nuge XIV Cemetery: Mortuary Ritual and Culture Historical Context</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The main objective of the long-term research project on Middle Holocene hunter-gatherers in the Lake Baikal area has been a comprehensive examination of the Kitoi, Serovo and Glazkovo cultures. Much of the comparison of the developmental trajectories of both cultures&#039; adaptive strategies has been based on the examination of collections that refer to both groups. Since quality materials associated with the later times are lacking, we have initiated excavations of a late Serovo-Glazkovo cemetery at Khuzhir-Nuge XIV on Lake Baikal. Due to its size (c. 90 individuals anticipated), the site is expected to provide enough data to faciliate effective examination of culture dynamics. Although one more season will be needed to complete fieldwork at this locality, the c. 70 graves excavated to date already provided a wealth of information on grave architecture, body treatment, grave goods, human taphonomic processes, paleodemography and health, and unique data on site structure and use. The substantial amount of variability that characterizes each of these aspects of the mortuary protocol is the focus of this paper.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Elizabeth N. Gorman</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dr. Susan E. Blair</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fabric of Time: the Augustine Mound textiles</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Textile technologies in the Northeast are scantly evidenced in the archaeological record, due to the acidic soils in the region. Contrary to this, however, numerous partially mineralized textile artifacts were excavated from the Augustine Mound, a prehistoric Mi&#039;kmaq cemetery located on the Metepenagiag (Red Bank) reserve in New Brunswick, Canada. Such preservation was afforded due to the inclusion of several thousand copper beads. Among these artifacts are textiles that represent the earliest known forms of textile arts for the region. These artifacts vary in form and structure, and include twined, and plaited fabric, basketry, and matting, as well as wrapped textiles, braids, and cordage on which shell and copper beads were strung. Many of these technologies are still practiced by the Mi&#039;kmaq people, such as in the manufacture of woodsplint basketry, and rush matting. This paper will explore linkages of continuity and change between these past and present textile technologies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gould, Brenda</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charlene Allison</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Similkameen Pictographs: Conservation via Cultural Tourism and Public Awareness</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The pictographs of the Similkameen have long fascinated visitors and researchers alike. The Upper Similkameen Indian Band has been undertaking a number of initiatives over the past several years with respect to conservation and management of these sites. Initiatives include working with Parks Canada to have sites commemorated as a National Historic Monument as well as opening up one of the sites to public tours. The Band is also currently negotiating with the Province of BC to allow the Band increased involvement in the management of these sites. Additionally, management plans are being negotiated with stakeholders to reduce the occurrences of accidental desecration and destruction. The Band was also instrumental in having the publication &#039;Exploring BC&#039;s Pictographs&#039; recalled in 2003 due to the risk that this book posed to site integrity and conservation.Through public awareness and increased involvement by the Band at the local level the pictographs of the Similkameen are now receiving an increased amount of attention in regards to conservation. Other initiatives proposed for the immediate future include a detailed inventory of sites, their condition and conservation requirements.The Band recognizes the need for increased protection of the sites, especially those that might be opened up for tourism. Once a site is opened up for tours the Band will be monitoring it daily and assessing condition on a regular basis to ensure site integrity.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Garland F. Grabert</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pebble Tools and Time Factoring</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">165-175</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pebble tool assemblages have for many years been one of the more puzzling lithic classes in the Pacific Northwest. They have been viewed as chronological markers, as indicators of task-specific sites, and as remains of distinct cultural entities. They sometimes seem to be the only visible part of certain regional site components, whereas at other times a variety of lithic tools accompanies the pebble tool complex. Assemblages of both kinds have been recorded and examined by the writer in both littoral and upland sites. Pebble tools need not be chronological markers. While coastline changes may have occurred in post glacial times, several of these sites have always been within a few hundred meters of a coast though the elevations above sea level have changed. Experiments are underway to determine pebble tool utility in different tasks. Context and association are variables that must be controlled before temporal factors can be expressed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Grabert, G.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The micro-evolutionary frontier and northwest prehistory</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper attempts on a limited scale to assess the recent prehistoric period of the northwest coast in terms of an interactional model. Cultural (technological) changes over the past 2 or 3 thousand years are viewed not so much as distinct cultural changes as evidence for the dynamics of social interaction and the changes in inter-community interaction preferences. Given that there have been some environmental and demographic changes over the past 3 thousand years and given also that only technological changes are recorded, the stance is taken that these reflect more of intercommunity relational changes than they do of adaptive strategy evolution. They may be taken instead as tactical variations, as much socially derived as subsistence motivated. It is assumed that territorial margins, the outer limits of a community&#039;s catchment area are the articulation points of social change. Two cases are examined. In both a limited amount of archaeological investigation has been carried on. In both also there has been a rather limited amount of ethnographic study. Using this model it should be possible to explain some of the supposed anomalies in localized variants in regional archaeological cultures, phases and other units of definition.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Graham, Shawn</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Community Building and Archaeology: An Experience in Western Quebec</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents a case study about a project to establish a public-archaeology programme in Pontiac High School in Western Quebec. In partnership with the schoolboard, the school, the local community development office, the Provincial Government and the municipality of the Village of Shawville, the &#039;Pontiac High Archaeology Corps&#039; was established to help develop a new &#039;heritage park&#039; on the grounds of a 19th century brickyard. The students&#039; role was to help conduct the evaluation excavations to determine the extent and nature of any remains, for much of the brickyard had been destroyed through nearly a century of farming. In this paper we present the &#039;Pontiac High Archaeology Corps&#039; and their on-going activities (which we help supervise) as a model for integrating archaeology into the community, and as a driver for social growth in small rural communities.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Graham</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Wiseman, Dion J.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Garry L. Running IV</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Matthew Boyd</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Quantifying Resource Diversity on the Northern Plains</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The SCAPE project is examining human-environmental interactions of pre-contact groups in localities that exhibit exceptional physiographic and ecological diversity within the Canadian Prairies Ecozone. Research in the Lauder Sand Hills of southwestern Manitoba has identified several multi-component occupations dating to over 5,000 BP. It is believed that the area has provided a diverse array of resources to pre-contact groups due to its unique geomorphology, which has resulted in frequent local variations in relief, microclimatic and soil conditions, and an increased variety and abundance of plant and animal resources. Recent geomorphic evidence indicates that the environment has remained relatively unchanged for at least the last 2,000 years. While increased diversity has been used to explain the patterns of intense occupation in the area, as of yet there has been no formal investigation comparing the relative diversity of the sand hills with adjacent areas of the prairie ecozone. This research presents a GIS-based approach for quantitatively assessing resource diversity using a variety of existing geospatial databases.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Graham, James W.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Wiseman, Dion J.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bev Nicholson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Mobile GIS Application for Conducting Archaeological Surveys</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Geomatics technologies (i.e. Geographic Information Systems, Remote Sensing, and the Global Positioning System) are becoming increasingly practical and necessary tools for researchers in a variety of disciplines concerned with mapping the location and spatial relationships between phenomena. The single largest impediment to the adoption of geomatics in the public and private sectors is the relatively steep learning curve and significant investment in time and money required to become proficient with these technologies. The goal of this research was to develop a customized GIS application for conducting archaeological surveys (e.g. test-pit or pedestrian) that would enable the user to record the location and associated attributes of an archaeological test site quickly and accurately, in a standardized format, and with a minimal amount of training or background required. The application enables the user to accurately record the location of each test-pit using a handheld computer (PDA) with an integrated GPS flashcard. When a new test-pit location is added the application prompts the user to enter specific attribute information using a custom designed data entry form with drop-down menus. The application also generates default data fields including user id, date, time, and location. Data is collected and stored in a standard geospatial data format (i.e. ESRI shapefile format) that can be easily uploaded to an external GIS application for analysis, reporting, and automated mapping; eliminating the need to transcribe or process hand written field notes. Consequently, data collected from several surveys can be integrated seamlessly, and subsequent data analysis can occur with little or no intermittent data processing. This protocol ensures accurate, consistent, and standardized data collection across all users and will greatly facilitate sharing and dissemination of archaeological data between professional and academic users, and provincial and federal government agencies. Following an adequate field testing period, the application will be made available via the Internet free of charge to anyone interested in using and/or modifying it.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Graham</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les voies de circulation : utilisation du SIG</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Grainger, D.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Data management and manipulation in archaeology: assessment criteria applied against two computerized systems in Canada</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Objectives and methods of archaeological data management and manipulation are discussed within the context of developing criteria for the evaluation of data management systems. Within such a framework two existing computerized systems in the Canadian archaeological community, the National Inventory and the Parks Canada Prairie Region System, are assessed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gramly, Michael</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Site Locations and Hypothesized Hunting Strategies for the Magalloway Valley Clovis, Western Maine</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Discoveries at the nine, closed Clovis sites of the Magalloway Valley Complex, western Maine, are reviewed as a basis for speculations about ancient hunting strategies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GRANANDER, Hans</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology and Forestry on the Mid Coast of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Interfor approaches archaeological issues from three perspectives: (1) legal protection; (2) social impacts on the First Nations and communities in which we work; and (3) forest development planning and issuance of logging permits. At present there is much turmoil and uncertainty as to how to best address archaeological resources in the forest development process. This complex process is evolving and it involves many different people and organizations. Only by taking a proactive role in working with all concerned parties, can companies meet the legal requirements and develop positive and trusting relations with First Nations so that the timely approval of logging permits is assured. On the Mid Coast, the abundance of Culturally Modified Trees (CMTs) is the most common issue that forest managers must address. Currently, the major forest licensees in conjunction with the Ministry of Forests and archaeologists, are working with the local First Nations to develop a practical CMT management protocol. Through this protocol it is envisioned that the First Nations work with the licensees to conduct CMT surveys on areas that meet certain criteria for surveying. Depending on the situation, site specific prescriptions will be jointly developed and this can range from a variety of protection measures to permitted removal of the CMT. The role or archaeologists in this process is seen as providing training for surveyors and to be consulted in situations where it is suspected that there may be additional, more complex archaeological issues in the area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GRAY, Nadine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chultunob at X-ual-canil, Belize</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">During the 1996 and 1997 field seasons, two chultunob were excavated at the site of X-ual-canil in the Cayo District of Belize, Central America. These sub-surface features have been the focus of discussion and curiosity since the initial investigation in Central America began. An attempt to determine the function of these features within the X-ual-canil site prompted the excavation of these chultunob. The purpose of our continuing excavations in the 1998 field season is to define the construction and usage pattern of the chultunob at this site. Unlike the chultun or cisterns of the Northern Maya Lowlands which were utilized as water catchment areas, the chultunob of the Southern Maya Lowlands appear to serve two functions: human burial and possibly storage chambers. This paper will discuss the excavation of these two chultunob, the associated artifacts and the osteology report. I will also briefly discuss the site of X-ual-canil and its association and connection to other sites in the Belize Valley.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gray, W. Barry</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jeanie Tummon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sainte Marie Re-Visited: 1987-90 Excavations at Sainte Marie Among the Hurons</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Four years of excavation and research have discovered and confirmed the presence of a multi-component site on the property including and surrounding the 17th century French Jesuit mission community. The data indicate that this site complex has been used by a variety of cultural groups since the 13th century A.D. Sainte Marie has undergone a series of excavations, most notably those directed by Kenneth E. Kidd (1941-43) and Wilfrid Jury (1947-51). However, in 1987 Archaeological Research Associates Ltd. was contracted to carry out excavations on the property under the direction of Dr. Dean Knight and W. Barry Gray. Archaeological investigations have focused on the southern portion of the reconstructed mission settlement, the section of the site presently identified as the Non-Christian Native area. Further testing has also been conducted in the northern part of the reconstruction inside the Non-Christian and Christian Native Areas. In 1990, the west bank of the Wye River was tested, resulting in the identification of another, multi-component site which has been named the Heron Site. This site was first used during the 14th century through to the 20th century. The data from the Heron site has been of use in our study of Sainte-Marie since it has provided us with comparative data from a less disturbed context. This present study of land-use represents a new direction for research related to the 17th century mission site.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lawrence Jackson</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald K. Grayson</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Giant Sloths and Sabertooth Cats: Extinct Mammals and the Archaeology of the Ice Age Great Basin</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">277-278</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greaves</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Barry J. Dau</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Oldman River Dam Stone Features Study: Prehistoric Archaeology Mitigation Program Technical Series</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">115-118</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greaves</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stone Tool Technology In Mountain Housepit Sites</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">To date, seven housepit sites have been recorded in the Canadian Rocky Mountains, with occupation floors dated as early as 3000 years ago. The housepits and earth ovens at these sites are clearly related in some way to use of the area by people from the British Columbia Interior Plateau. This paper will discuss recent analyses of the stone tools and debitage excavated from four mountain housepit sites, and the implications for our understanding of the chronology, origin and technological organization of the inhabitants.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greaves</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A MODEL FOR THE ORGANIZATION OF MICROCORE TECHNOLOGY AMONG SEMI-SEDENTARY HUNTER-GATHERERS</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The purpose of this research is to construct and test a model of the organization of microcore technology, within the subsistence-settlement system of prehistoric, semi-sedentary hunter-gatherers. The study of technological organization involves investigation of why a society selects particular tool designs, and how it structures the manufacture, use, maintenance and discard of tools and associated debitage across the landscape. The model tested here associates the use of microcore technology with a design for a maintainable and transportable tool assemblage which conserves lithic material and with a distribution focused on residential camps as the locus of microcore manufacture, and microblade production and use. The model is tested through a comparative case study of archaeological tools and debitage from microlithic and non-microlithic sites in two upland valleys in the British Columbia Southern Interior Plateau. Results indicate that microcore technology was variable in design goals and distribution, even within the same geographically and ethnographically defined region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GREEN, D&#039;Arcy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Update on the Oxbow Dam Site: The excavation continues after forty years / Site Oxbow Dam : 40 ans plus tard, les fouilles continuent</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Oxbow Dam Site (DhMn-1) was originally tested in 1956 by Saskatchewan Museum of Natural History (present-day Royal SaskatchewanMuseum) staff. Material from the early excavation, in conjunction with artifacts from the Long Creek Site, was used to define the Oxbow Culture. Over the last forty years, numerous questions have arisen about the findings of the museum excavation. This paper presents the preliminary results of a small excavation conducted at the site over the 1995 and 1996 field seasons which should help answer some of those questions.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jenna Green</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Use of Caves in Taino Religion</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The use of caves as ritual and sacred landscapes has been well-explored in New World archaeology, especially in regards to Mesoamerican civilizations. Recent evidence has shed light on the importance of caves in the Caribbean, specifically the Classic Taino Chiefdoms of Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. This poster will show that Taino cave use reflects a highly developed and relatively wide-spread religion with direct implications for Taino social structure. Taino cave art demonstrates the alternative use of caves as a ritual area and the possible location of the axis mundi – the connecting element to the various realms of the cosmos. The importance of Taino religion has been documented with ethnohistoric sources, but as the indigenous population was completely erased with the arrival of Columbus, material remains are all we have to create a picture of the importance of religion to a developing Chiefdom-type society.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nancy A. Greene</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David C. McGee</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roderick J. Heitzmann</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Comox Harbour Fish Trap Complex:  A Large-Scale, Technologically Sophisticated  Intertidal Fishery from British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2015</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">39</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">161-212</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Results of highly detailed mapping and radiocarbon dating at a vast and largely unknown intertidal fish trap complex indicate a large-scale, technologically sophisticated Aboriginal trap fishery operated at Comox Harbour, Vancouver Island, British Columbia between about 1,300 and 100 years ago. Two temporally and morphologically distinct trap types were utilized, and the shift from the Winged Heart trap type to the Winged Chevron trap type ca.&amp;nbsp;700&amp;nbsp;B.P. appears abrupt and closely coincident with Little Ice Age climatic conditions and increased importance of salmon at Aboriginal village sites on west coast Vancouver Island, at Haida Gwaii (Queen Charlotte Islands) and south coast Alaska. Drawing comparisons from closely analogous historical and contemporary North American large-scale traps designed with knowledge of fish behaviour, the Winged Heart and Winged Chevron traps were likely designed to mass harvest herring and salmon, respectively. This study contributes to the wider consideration of marine adaptation on the Pacific Northwest Coast.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La cartographie très détaillée et la datation au radiocarbone à un intertidale complexe de piège poissons vaste et largement inconnu indiquent une grande échelle, technologiquement sophistiqué pêcherie autochtone exploité à Comox Harbour, île de Vancouver, en Colombie-Britannique entre 1,300 et 100 ans. Deux types de pièges temporellement et morphologiquement distinctes ont été utilisées, et le changement du type de piège « Winged Heart » à type de piège « Winged Chevron » environ de 700&amp;nbsp;A.A. semble abrupte et étroite coïncide avec le passage à Petit Âge Glaciaire conditions climatiques et l’importance accrue de saumon sur les sites des villages autochtones sur la côte ouest de l’île de Vancouver, à Haida Gwaii (îles de la Reine-Charlotte) et la côte sud de l’Alaska. D’établir des comparaisons de très analogues pièges à grande échelle en Amérique du Nord historiques et contemporains conçus avec la connaissance du comportement des poissons, les pièges « Winged Heart » et « Winged Chevron » ont probablement été conçues pour la récolte massive du hareng (et autres bancs de poissons pélagiques similaires) et le saumon, respectivement. Cette étude contribue à l’examen plus large de l’adaptation maritime sur la côte nord-ouest du Pacifique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Greene, Nancy A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Preliminary Mapping of Comox Bay, B.C. Fish Traps</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents the preliminary results of an ongoing mapping and research project investigating previously unrecorded wood stake intertidal fish weir features at Comox Bay, east Vancouver Island, British Columbia. The features appear to be unique in both size and extent for coastal B.C. involving over 10,000 wood stakes. GIS total station mapping of the complex has allowed detailed recording of stake patterning and distribution in the estuary. Samples are being submitted for dating.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Greene, Nancy A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A New Angle on Northwest Coast Fish Trap Technologies: GIS Total Station Mapping of Intertidal Wood-Stake Features at Comox Harbour, B.C.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">GIS total station mapping of wood-stake fish trap features at Comox Harbour suggests an intensive fishery (1230-120 BP) using mass harvesting technologies. Features appear to be unique for the Northwest Coast. This paper will explore the technology design types, their size, temporal relationships and extensive distribution on the tidal flats to harvest a variety of fish species.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Haskel J. Greenfield</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">T. Douglas Price</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Europe&#039;s First Farmers</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">26</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">243-245</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Haskel J. Greenfield</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Origins of Metallurgy - A Zooarchaeological Approach / Les origines de la métallurgie : une approche zooarchéologique</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper proposes a new analytical procedure for identifying and mapping the introduction and spread of metallurgy to regions based upon the relative frequency of metal versus stone tool slicing cut marks in butchered animal bone assemblages. Experiments to be described here established the relationship between the edge characteristics of metal and stone tools and the marks they produce when applied to bone. Through the use of silicon molds of slicing cut marks analyzed through SEM, the type of tool used to produce such cut marks on bone can be identified. Quantifying the distribution over time and space provides insight into the process of the introduction and diffusion of a functional metallurgical technology for subsistence activities. Prehistoric data from the Central Balkans of southeast Europe are presented to illustrate the utility of the procedure. These data are used to calculate the frequency of use and relative importance of stone and metal implements over time, from the introduction of metallurgy during the Late Neolithic through the end of the Bronze Age.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Haskel J. Greenfield</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Spatial patterning of Early Iron Age metal production at Ndondondwane, South Africa: the question of cultural continuity between the Early and Late Ir</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The spatial relations of metal working areas and domestic areas in Early Iron Age sites are important because they have implications for models of continuity and change in the southern African Iron Age. Metal working remains recovered during the 1995-1997 field seasons at the Early Iron Age site of Ndondondwane (AD 650-750) offered an opportunity to quantify the distribution of metal working activities. Metal working residues were classified visually, the distribution of various classes of remains plotted, and selected samples analysed metallographically to confirm the visual identifications. This study revealed the marked spatial and temporal distribution of ore preparation, primary iron smelting, and secondary forging activities on the site. In the earliest of three identified occupational horizons, relatively sparse metal working remains were associated with forging activities near hut floors in the centre of the site. In the intermediate occupational horizon, metal working on the site was confined to ore preparation and forging in the vicinity of the more peripheral domestic areas associated with middens. Any smelting must have been performed elsewhere. In the final occupational horizon, metal working was concentrated in the central area again, where the remains of a furnace and a dump containing about 500 kg of slag attest to primary iron smelting. The implications of this temporal and spatial distribution for models of site organisation in the Early Iron Age are discussed, and are indicative of greater cultural continuity in metal production between the Early Iron Age and later periods in the region than hitherto believed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greer</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Janes</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Preserving Diversity, Ethnoarchaeological Perspectives on Culture Change in the Western Canadian Subarctic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">123-125</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Annie Lake: A Southern Yukon Mid-Holocene Cultural Complex</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Excavations at the multi-component Annie Lake site, located south of Whitehorse, have produced evidence for at least three occupations before ca. AD 700. The most recent of these has been assigned to the Taye Lake Phase of the Northem Archaic Tradition, while the earliest occupation of the site, a microlithic component, is attributed to the Little Arm Phase. Between these two components a previously unrecognized Yukon point type was recovered. The concave-based lanceolate Annie Lake points cannot be attributed to either of the previously mentioned south Yukon pre- historic cultures. These points have been used to define the Annie Lake Complex, whose age is bracketed to ca. 4400/4900 to 2000 years ago. The Complex is still poorly understood; its relationship to the site&#039;s earlier and later occupations remains uncertain. Based on the design of the point that marks this cultural complex, extrnal contacts or information exchange with the Canadian Plateau and Plains regions to the south are indicated.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Traditional Knowledge in Site Recognition and Definition</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology in the western subarctic has a relatively long history of using Indigenous Tradition Knowledge. Examination of the role of Traditional Knowledge has played in the recognition of sites in the Yukon and Dene area of the Northwest Territories shows that only in the past few years is Traditional Knowledge being truly integrated into research.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>5</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila C. Greer</style></author></authors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Luc Pilon</style></author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Trout Lake Archaeological Locality and the British Mountain Problem</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAA Occasional Paper No. 1</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15-31</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A reanalysis of collections from the Trout Lake area of the northern Yukon challenges the integrity of what has become known as the type site of the British Mountain culture. The main Trout Lake site (NfVi-10) is seen as a mixed, multi-component deposit and its so-called British Mountain component is interpreted as lithic workshop debris. The collections from both NfVi-10 and the Northeast site (Ne Vi-9), the other main so-called British Mountain site in the Trout Lake area, feature artifacts assignable to a number of different prehistoric cultures; the most easily recognizable of these are local variants of the Denbigh, Choris and Norton western Palaeo-Eskimo cultures.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greer</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diane STRAND</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alexander P. Mackie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Kwaday Dan Ts&#039;inchi (long ago person found) Discovery: An Update</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1999, the preserved human remains of an ancient male aboriginal along with associated belongings were discovered on a glacier in Tatshenshini-Alsek Park in northwest British Columbia. The Champagne and Aishihik First Nations (CAFN) assumed responsibility for Kwaday Dan Ts&#039;inchi since the long ago person was found within their traditional territory, and the First Nation and the Government of British Columbia established a joint Management Group to oversee the handling of the find and related studies. Following completion of the autopsy and consultation with neighbouring Yukon and British Columbia First Nations and southeast Alaska Tribes in 2001, the remains were cremated and returned to the mountain where the long ago person lost his life. His belongings as well as other artifacts from the site area were retained, and conservation work on these pieces as well as replication efforts and related studies are ongoing. The site has also been monitored yearly, and in high melt summers, additional finds have been made. Some results from the numerous laboratory analysis projects initiated are now available as well. Though we still don&#039;t know who the long ago person was, insights are being gained. Equally important, the working relationship between the two governments has strengthened, with each having a better understanding of and respect for, the values, priorities and management regimes that the other operates under.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila Greer</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diane STRAND</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gregory Hare</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ruth GOTTHARDT</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Southern Yukon Ice Patch Research 2000:Understanding the Phenomena</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">With their excellent preservational environment, southern Yukon alpine ice patches featuring ancient caribou dung are incredible sources of rare ancient hunting artifacts and paleo-ecological information for the Holocene period. Year 2000 ice patch field-work focused on establishing which of the over 70 identified patches are archaeological sites, the collection of archaeological specimens and biological samples, and the stratigraphic sampling of in-situ organic materials at reference patches. Survey for new patches and understanding the spatial distribution of the phenomenon were concerns as well.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sheila C. Greer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Annie Lake: A Southern Yukon Mid-Holocene Cultural Complex</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">17</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">026-042</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Excavations at the multi-component Annie Lake site, located south of Whitehorse, have produced evidence for at least three occupations before ca. A.D. 700. The most recent of these has been assigned to the Taye Lake Phase of the Northern Archaic Tradition, while the earliest occupation of the site, a microlithic component, is attributed to the Little Arm Phase. Between these two components a previously unrecognized Yukon point type was recovered. The deeply concave-based lanceolate Annie Lake points have been used to define the Annie Lake Complex, whose age is bracketed to ca. 4400/4900 to 2000 years ago. Based on the design of the point that marks this cultural complex, external contacts or information exchange with the Canadian Plateau and Plains regions to the south are indicated.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des fouilles archéologiques menées sur le site Annie Lake, site à composantes culturelles multiples situé au sud de Whitehorse, ont démontré l&amp;#39;existence d&amp;#39;au moins trois occupations distinctes antérieures à l&amp;#39;an 700 après J.-C. La plus récente de ces occupations appartient à la phase Taye Lake de la tradition de l&amp;#39;ArchaÔque nordique, alors que la plus vieille occupation est une composante culturelle microlithique attribuée à la phase Little Arm. Entre ces deux occupations, un type de pointe jusqu&amp;#39;à maintenant inconnu au Yukon, a été découvert. Les pointes Annie Lake sont de forme lancéolée avec une base très concave et elles ont servi à définer le complexe Annie Lake dont l&amp;#39;&amp;rsquo;ge se situe entre environ 4900/4400 ans à 2000 ans avant aujourd&amp;#39;hui. Des contacts extérieurs ou des échanges d&amp;#39;informations avec les régions méridionales du Plateau Canadien et des Plaines sont suggérées par la forme de cette nouvelle pointe qui caractérise le complexe Annie Lake.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael W. Gregg</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A new approach for isolating organic residues in prehistoric pottery, and implications for the study of agricultural and herding practices originating</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents molecular and isotopic evidence of subsistence practices from 8 early agricultural villages and herding encampments in the Middle East. Absorbed organic residues were extracted from archaeological pottery fragments through use of a microwave-assisted liquid chromatography protocol initially developed for the isolation and concentration of free fatty acids in marine sediments. Isotopic analyses of C 16:0 and C 18:0 fatty acids surviving in these fragments has revealed ∂13C ratios consistent with those of modern fats of wild boar and domesticated sheep and goats pastured in the southern Levant and central Anatolia.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gregory, Fred</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Non-Disturbance Archaeology is OK, Too</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Most archaeological activity in Ontario is performed by amateurs employing non-disturbance techniques. They are recording valuable data without excavating (destroying) sites. However, their work is equally important for it is they who are documenting the resource and preserving it, in situ, for future generations. The professional marine archaeological community in Ontario (indeed across Canada) is small and they could never hope to interpret the many thousands of marine sites without the assistance of the sport diving community working through avocational or marine heritage conservation organizations. This paper will relate the efforts of amateurs with Save Ontario Shipwrecks (SOS) in protecting and documenting marine sites (without the need for conservation) so that professionals may interpret sea-faring activities in past centuries.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lindi J. Masur</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kristen J. Gremillion</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Food Production in Native North America: An Archaeological Perspective</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">104-107</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Inequality, Complexity, and the Notion of a Gulf of Georgia Developmental Trajectory</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thirty years ago Don Mitchell made a case for the distinctiveness of the cultural and natural characteristics of the Gulf of Georgia region. Since then, new research questions have been addressed and additional data gathered, providing fresh perspectives on Mitchell&#039;s original conclusions. In particular, a variety of models have been presented to explain the development of a pan-coastal and ethnographically-based cultural pattern– the &#039;Developed Northwest Coast Pattern&#039;. This paper draws upon recent theoretical and empirical observations in order to assess the evidence for a specifically Gulf of Georgia developmental trajectory. Is it appropriate to view the Gulf of Georgia region as having a unique trajectory that requires its own explanations, or, are Gulf of Georgia developments explainable as a local expression of the development of coastal cultures as a whole? This question is examined in light of current research on Northwest Coast complexity, inequality, and household evolution.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James M. Savelle</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bowhead Whaling and the Thule Eskimo Intrasite Structure: A Spatial Approach</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent attempts to model hunter-gatherer intrasite organization have stressed the correla tion between physical distance and relative level of interaction, that is, &#039;social distance. &#039; Since labour cooperation increases interaction, differences in the level of cooperation for subsistence tasks are expected to be reflected in the spatial organization of residential sites. Four spatial dimensions (habitation density, degree of site structure, site integration, and nearest neighbour distances) were examined for 18 Classic Thule Eskimo sites in the central Canadian Arctic. The 18 sites were grouped into three zones according to bowhead whale abundance, and thus the probable importance of the bowhead whale in the Thule diet at the respective sites. Expectations for the four spatial variables were then generated on the premise that the greater importance of bowhead whales in the diet, the greater the level of cooperation, and thus the closer the &#039;social distance.&#039; Results indicate that there are interpretable differences in the spatial organization of sites from the three zones. These differences will be discussed in relation to the importance of bowhead whaling in Thule diet, labour cooperation, and &#039;social distance.&#039; It is concluded that these factors must be considered in models for Classic Thule intrasite spatial organization.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Which Way Forward?</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">134-139</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Event and Process in the Life of a Marpole-age Plankhouse at Dionisio Point</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The archaeological record is a record of both significant events and (often redundant) processes. This paper considers the role of both of these phenomena in the cumulative record of household activities in a Marpole-age plankhouse at Dionisio Point on the southern B.C. coast. Radiocarbon dating, artifact caches, and material culture distributions are considered in constructing an appropriate conceptual approach to thinking about scales of time, the relationship between events, and modes of practice in the house and household. The objective of this approach is to see the house and household as process rather than reified institution.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patrick Dolan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kelly Derr</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">McLay, Eric</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Assessing Sea Level Changes in the Southern Gulf Islands of British Columbia Using Archaeological Data from Coastal Spit Locations</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">254-280</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;An understanding of sea level change is critical for modelling past settlement on the Northwest Coast. While the complex relationship between land and sea has been documented for the Late Glacial and immediate post-glacial period in the Strait of Georgia, limited data exist to characterize more recent changes. Here, a relative sea level model generated for the Gulf Islands National Park Reserve by Fedje et al. (2009) is evaluated with archaeological data from two coastal spit sites in the southern Gulf Islands of British Columbia. Data accord well with the roughly 1.5 meters of sea level rise Fedje et al. posit for the last four millennia. However, sea level change, while substantial over the long term, appears more gradual than punctuated. Moreover, the role of coastal landform development and archaeological site formation processes must be considered to adequately establish relative sea levels changes and how these relate to past human activity in the southern Gulf Islands.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Une bonne compréhension des variations du niveau de la mer est essentielle à la modélisation des habitats du passé sur la côte Nord-Ouest. Bien que la relation complexe entre terre et mer ait été documentée pour les périodes glaciaire tardive et post-glaciaire immédiate dans le détroit de Georgia, il n&amp;rsquo;existe que peu de données pour les changements plus récents. Ici, nous évaluons un modèle du niveau relatif de la mer, conçu pour la Réserve de parc national du Canada des Îles-Gulf par Fedje et al. (2009), en fonction de données archéologiques recueillies dans les sondages de deux sites côtiers du sud des îles Gulf en Colombie britannique. Les données correspondent bien à l&amp;rsquo;élévation d&amp;rsquo;environ 1,50&amp;nbsp;m. du niveau de la mer, hypothèse avancée par Fedje et al. pour les quatre derniers millénaires. Cependant, la variation du niveau de la mer, quoique considérable à long terme, semble s&amp;rsquo;être produite progressivement, et non par à-coups. De plus, on peut considérer que l&amp;rsquo;évolution du paysage côtier et les processus de formation des sites archéologiques font assez précisément apparaître les variations relatives du niveau de la mer et la manière dont celles-ci sont liées à l&amp;rsquo;activité humaine du passé au sud des îles Gulf.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Landscape Construction, Ownership and Social Change in the Southern Gulf Islands of British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">211-249</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In this study, I describe the natural and anthropogenic elements of coastal spits, a group of landforms in the Southern Gulf Islands of British Columbia that has been the focus of human settlement over the last 5,000 years. Drawing on geomorphological and archaeological data, I outline how anthropogenic constructions, monumentality and human intention articulated in the production of ownership systems and social inequalities in the Coast Salish world during the later Holocene.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Je décris dans cette étude les dimensions naturelles et anthropiques des coupes côtières sur lesquelles se sont concentrées les occupations humaines dans les Southern Gulf Islands de Colombie Britannique au cours des 5,000 dernières années. Les données géomorphologiques et archéologiques me permettent de décrire comment les modifications anthropiques, la monumentalité et les intentions humaines se sont articulées pour soutenir le développement de systèmes de propriété et des inégalités sociales dans le monde Coast Salish au cours de l’Holocène récent.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Long Term Perspectives for Long Standing Problems: Scales of Analysis in the Prehistoric Gulf of Georgia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Culture history construction, while a necessary archaeological enterprise, is essentially a classificatory device that requires a reductionist approach to data and explanation. Thus, the key to conceptualizing and explaining trajectories of change in Northwest Coast prehistory does not lie solely in developing increasingly specific and localized culture histories, but rather in articulating how various scales of temporal and spatial analysis mesh within an overall problem framework that stipulates variables and processes critical for explaining economic, social, and political developments. In this paper, I illustrate this perspective by conceptualizing problems in Gulf of Georgia prehistory at four separate analytical scales - the region, the sub-region, the village, and the household.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine Panter-Brick</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert H. Layton</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peter Rowley-Conwy</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hunter-Gatherers: An Interdisciplinary Perspective</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">125-130</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Organization of Production in Prehistoric Thule Whaling Societies of the Central Canadian Arctic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">23</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">011-028</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper is an investigation of the organization of production that characterized prehistoric Thule Eskimo whaling societies of the central Canadian Arctic during the Classic Period (1150-1450AD). The distribution of whaling-related artifacts among houses at seven large prehistoric Thule winter sites in the central Canadian Arctic is examined. Results of a sample size-richness simulation and examination of artifact co-occurrences indicate that whaling-related items are differentially distributed among houses. The structure of the distribution indicates that a division of labour for whaling, similar in certain respects to that described for ethnographic North Alaskan whaling crews, may have operated in prehistoric Thule whaling societies. Recent discussions of social inequality in Eskimo whaling societies have focused on the whaling crew, considering the potential for its hierarchical relations of production to have formed the basis for social and material inequity. Results of the artifact analyses are discussed in terms of their implications for our understanding of social inequality and hierarchies in prehistoric Thule whaling societies of the Canadian Arctic.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cet article examine l&amp;#39;organisation de la production qui caractérisait les sociétés baleinières thuléennes de l&amp;#39;Arctique canadien central pendant la période thuléenne dite classique (900-500 A.A.). Des études récentes de l&amp;#39;inégalité sociale des sociétés baleinières inuit se sont penchées sur la chasse aux baleines boréales en et particulier sur le potentiel de la participation inégale lors de la chasse à la baleine qui aurait formé la base pour l&amp;#39;inégalité sociale et matérielle. Ici, on examine la distribution d&amp;#39;objets liée à la chasse à la baleine sur sept grands sites d&amp;#39;hiver thuléens préhistoriques de l&amp;#39;Arctique canadien central. Les résultats d&amp;#39;un échantillonnage simulé, basé sur la taille et la densité des objets ainsi que la corrélation entre ceux-ci, indiquent que les articles avant trait à la chasse à la baleine ne sont pas également distribués parmi les différentes maisons. La structure de la distribution suggère qu&amp;#39;il existait une division du travail lors de la chasse à la baleine chez les Thuléens. Ces résultats nous incitent à suggérer que les capitaines de chasse à la baleine pouvaient avoir un meilleur accès aux ressources matérielles et sociales en manipulant des relations sociales qui étaient basées dans la division du travail au sein de l&amp;#39;équipe. Une forte dissociation entre l&amp;#39;équipement de chasse lié aux activités du harponnage et une série d &amp;#39;articles faisant partie du &amp;#39;complexe du capitaine de chasse à la baleine&amp;#39; nous renseigne peut-être sur une dynamique primaire au sein des équipes de chasseurs à la baleine thuléenes.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Household Organization and Integration on the central Northwest Coast / Organisation de la communauté domestique et intégration sur la c</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In his work among the Kekchi Maya of Belize, Richard Wilk suggested that household integration could be measured along a scale that ranged from &#039;loose&#039; to &#039;tight&#039; based on the degree to which households collectively participated in the processes of subsistence production, storage, food preparation and consumption, and transmission of household rights, titles, and capital. Since material correlates can be posited for these different processes, this approach has potential for examining prehistoric household integration with archaeological data. In this paper, the architectural organization and hearth patterning of houses from primarily the central Northwest Coast are examined in order to assess the way in which, and the variability in which, these households were integrated. These data suggest that families within houses, despite being under one roof, were only loosely integrated in many respects, a picture that is consistent with Suttles recent analysis of ethnographic Salish shed-roof houses. Transmission of rights of access to resources appears to have been a primary integrating phenomenon in an otherwise relatively loosely-structured household economy. These observations provide a basis for developing archaeological models for prehistoric central Coast household economic and political organization.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Martin P. R. Magne</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Projectile Point Sequences in Northwestern North America</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2010</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">34</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">115-118</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gromoff, Nick</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whole Vessel Types and Their Implications for Iroquoian Ceramic Analysis</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Among the 185 reconstructed pots from the Ball Site (BdGv-3) there are sets of vessels that exhibit standardization of rim and body decoration, form and paste. Similar and even identical vessels are present at other Huron sites such as Molson, Auger and Warminster. The differentiation between these sets of vessels is based on both intuition and statistical analysis. This data leads to the speculation that emic, whole vessel types existed for the Huron, which requires a reassessment of rimsherd analysis.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gron, Ole</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ritualisation of Space in Hunter-Gatherer Settlements and Its Consequences For Archaeological Interpretations</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An important factor in the analysis of Mesolithic settlement organisation is the appearance of repeated and characteristic distribution patterns in the small objects. Such patterns are often easier to distinguish than to interpret in terms of cultural behaviour. Meanwhile the interpretation is essential if the analysis shall lead to more meaningful results than a categorisation of sites based on morphological elements. The paper presents the results of the Ethnoarchaeological investigations Oleg Kuznetsov and I have carried out among the Evenkian reindeer-hunters of the Northern Transbaikal, Siberia, who still live in accordance with their old religion. The Evenks are forest hunters. The focus is on site-formation with an important point being the understanding of the processes that lead to the formation of repeated patterns on the settlements. The investigations are carried out as a combination of interviews and excavations of recent settlements, so that the information obtained in the interviews can be checked by field observations and vice versa. We have obtained information on dwelling and settlement organisation, cleaning and maintenance of the sites, handling of different categories of waste, difference between sites from different seasons etc. One preliminary conclusion is that cleaning, ritual behaviour and cosmos concepts have a strong impact on the deposition of items on the sites. Another is that small objects found inside the Evenkian dwellings seem to have been exposed to minimal intentional redepositioning and therefore may be used to distinguish regular activity areas.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dyan Laskin Grossman</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Handaxe Manufacture Sequences from Wonderwerk Cave, South Africa</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stone tools are typically represented by a photograph or drawing and measurements of length, width and thickness. However, lithic artifacts are also a record of knapping sequences, representing the specific mental processes that result in the object&#039;s final form. Refitting is one way of examining past decisions, but in cases where refitting is not possible, flake scars can provide evidence of past actions. Using a collection of handaxes from Wonderwerk Cave, South Africa, this paper examines how flake scars can be used to describe a handaxe in terms of the series of actions that created it, constructing schematic representations that link process and final shape, quantifying the human action in tool production and providing information about past mental processes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Grover, Jennifer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Faunal Remains from Dust Cave</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Test excavations at Dust Cave, in Northwest Alabarna, have revealed 4 m of deposits that date to the Early (10,500-8,000 B.P.) and Middle (8,000-6,000 B.P.) Holocene. One of the unique features of these deposits is that, for these periods, they contain the largest faunal collections recovered from the Middle Tennessee Valley. The collection has been studied, not; only to provide an analysis of the faunal rernains, but also to shed additional light on the cultural changes that occurred between the Early and Middle Holocene.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ruth Gruhn</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Early Coastal Entry Model. An Update</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The early coastal entry model continues to be a viable alternative to the interior ice-free corridor route for the initial settlement of the New World. A review of early archaeological sites distributed along the west coasts of both of the Americas indicates that there were populations with a littoral adaptation well established on both continents by at least 10,500 years ago. Middle Pleistocene archaeological sites in northeast Honshu may represent an ancestral population pool for early coastal movements along the Pacific rim. Paleoenvironmental evidence for marked sea level changes on the northwest coast of North America indicates why Pleistocene coastal archaeological sites are so unlikely to be discovered. The most concrete evidence for a coastal route of initial entry remains linguistic: the comparatively high degree of language diversification on the west coast.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ruth Gruhn</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Two Preceramic Sites in the Highlands of Guatemala</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Test excavations were carried out in 1969 and 1972 at two small sites each located in open meadows within a cloud forest on a mountain ridge at about 10,000 feet elevation. A quantity of flakes and a small number of artifacts including scrapers, retouched flakes, and a small biface but no projectile points were recovered from weathered colluvial deposits. At one site, La Piedra del Coyote, the lithic assemblage underlies a horizon of Late Classic pottery. At the other site, Los Tapiales, the lithic assemblage has been dated at 7550 +/- 150 years B.P. (Gak-2769).</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lesley Howse</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bjarne Grønnow</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Frozen Saqqaq Sites of Disko Bay, West Greenland, Qeqertasussuk and Qajaa (2400–900 BC): Studies of Saqqaq Material Culture in an Eastern Arctic Perspective</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">274-276</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Eliann Guinan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Markowski</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Excavation of a Stone Cairn Cache in Southern Saskatchewan</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">179-193</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In 2018, a stone cairn was discovered on a prominent hilltop in the Missouri Coteau in southern Saskatchewan, not an uncommon discovery. Due to potential impacts from development, a salvage excavation commenced which included the excavation of the entire stone cairn structure and additional subsurface testing in the immediate area. A preliminary interpretation for the stone cairn was its functional use as a navigational marker; however, the initial interpretation was retracted upon the discovery of a cache cavity within the unexpectedly large structure of the stone cairn. Had the excavation not occurred, the stone cairn may have been misinterpreted; this is a common issue at stone cairn sites across the northern Plains.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;En 2018, un cairn de pierre a été découvert sur une colline proéminente dans le Missouri Coteau, dans le sud de la Saskatchewan, ce qui n&#039;est pas rare. En raison des impacts potentiels du développement, une excavation de récupération a commencé qui comprenait l&#039;excavation de toute la structure du cairn en pierre et des tests supplémentaires de sous-surface dans la zone immédiate. Une interprétation préliminaire du cairn de pierre était son utilisation fonctionnelle comme repère de navigation ; cependant, l&#039;interprétation initiale a été rétractée lors de la découverte d&#039;une cavité de cache dans la structure étonnamment grande du cairn de pierre. Si les fouilles n&#039;avaient pas eu lieu, le cairn de pierre aurait pu être mal interprété; il s&#039;agit d&#039;un problème courant sur les sites de cairns de pierre des plaines du nord.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">François Guindon</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sonya Atalay</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Community-Based Archaeology: Research with, by and for Indigenous and Local Communities</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">338-340</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">François Guindon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Potsherds of the Ontario Iroquois Tradition at Lake Abitibi, Northwestern Quebec</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Iroquoian pottery exhibits an unusually high frequency at Lake Abitibi sites compared to other sites of the Canadian Shield. For this reason, it has attracted the attention of archaeologists since research began in the Abitibi area in the 1970s. A corpus of 143 vessel equivalents, all attributable to the Ontario Iroquois Tradition, and coming from six sites and one private collection were analysed in the course of my master&#039;s thesis research. The main results of this work as well as what it implies on the relations through time between the Ontario Iroquoian and the Lake Abitibi Algonquian people are presented.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">François Guindon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Iroquoian Pottery at Lake Abitibi: A Case Study of the Relationship Between Hurons and Algonkians on the Canadian Shield</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">65-91</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This work sheds new light on the problems of interpreting the historical and cultural aspects of Iroquoian-like pottery in the Canadian Shield. Within this region, the Lake Abitibi case is unusual because the archaeological sites of the area exhibit an unusually high frequency of Iroquoian-like ceramic vessels compared to other areas of the Shield. For this reason, it has attracted the attention of archaeologists since research began in the Abitibi area in the 1950s. A corpus of 143 vessel equivalents, all relating to the Ontario Iroquois Tradition and coming from six sites plus one private collection from Lake Abitibi were analysed in the course of this research. The main result of this work as well as its implication for the understanding of the nature of this ceramic manifestation at Lake Abitibi, and the development of the possible relationship between the Algonkians of the area and the Iroquoians of southern Ontario are presented in this paper.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Ce travail apporte un éclairage nouveau sur la poterie iroquoïde présente dans le Bouclier Canadien. à l?intérieur de cette grande région, le cas du lac Abitibi se démarque par le nombre de ces poteries qui est relativement élevé. Pour cette raison, cette céramique a su attirer l?attention des archéologues travaillant dans le secteur depuis les années 1950. Un ensemble de 143 équivalents de vases reliés à la Tradition iroquoienne de l?Ontario et provenant de six sites ainsi que d?une collection privée du lac Abitibi ont été analysés dans le cadre de cette recherche. Les résultats principaux de ce travail ainsi que ses implications pour les relations entre les Iroquoiens du sud de l?Ontario et les Algonquiens du lac Abitibi sont ici présentés.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gullason, Lynda</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Engendering Interaction: The Thule Inuit Gender System and European Contact in Southeast Baffin Island</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper explores the role that gender plays in cross-cultural contact. A model of the Thule Inuit gender system in the eastern Canadian Arctic was derived from ethnographic sources. These sources indicate that Inuit gender relations were largely egalitarian and complementary. This suggests two interrelated behavioral expectations with respect to European interaction: 1.) equal access to European goods and materials by Inuit men and women; and 2.) differential use of European goods by gender will relate to the types of tasks which each gender engaged in and the social roles they held, rather than to a gender hierarchy. The model was tested with archaeological and ethnohistorical data relating to three periods of contact in Frobisher Bay, Baffin Island: 16th-century exploration and mining, 19th-century commercial whaling and early 20th-century commercial fur trapping.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gullason, Lynda</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thule Epimetallurgy and the Consequences of Elizabethan Contact</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">One of the problems with researching the nature of early culture contact between Thule Inuit and Europeans is the slight material evidence, particularly of metal artifacts which seldom survive in archaeological sites. Their relative absence archaeologically gives the false impression that metal use was peripheral to Thule adaptation when, in fact, metal was highly valued. Metal, in the form of iron extracted from meteors and native copper ore, was widely used throughout the Arctic prior to European contact. The principal evidence for Thule epimetallurgy (the use, but not the production of metal) comes from blade slot widths in the surviving tool handles. These slots are characteristically thinner than those which held stone blades. Allen McCartney has suggested that Thule metal use accelerated after 1600 due to the &#039;great influx&#039; of metal from European contact. Based on the analysis of bladed tools from prehistoric and early historic Inuit sites in Frobisher Bay, I quantify the chronological patterning of Thule Inuit metal use and suggest that prehistoric Inuit use of metal was far greater than previously thought and that during Elizabethan (16th century) contact and shortly afterwards, less metal was used by the Inuit of Frobisher Bay than in the prehistoric era. In Frobisher Bay, it appears that there was no significant increase in metal use until the late 19th/early 20th century. This finding has important consequences for our conceptions about &#039;first contacts&#039;.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gullov, Hans Christian</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistory of Greenland</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Presentation of Greenland&#039;s prehistory from 2500 BC to 1900 AD based on the first complete publication in Danish from 2004, second printing 2005 and in Greenlandic 2006.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carl E. Gustafson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard Daugherty</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Delbert W. Gilbow</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Manis Mastodon Site: Early Man on the Olympic Peninsula</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">157-164</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Manis site on the northern Olympic Peninsula near Sequim, Washington, has yielded evidence that a mastodon was butchered there approximately 12,000 years ago. A bone &#039;projectile point&#039; embedded in a mastodon rib and other artifacts made of bone and tusk have been recovered. A single cobble spall tool is the only distinguishable stone artifact associated with the mastodon bones. By 12,000 years ago, coniferous forests had not yet invaded the northern Olympic Peninsula, and shrub-tundra vegetation characterized the region. Evidence of later occupation at the site is provided by a leaf-shaped, basalt &#039;Olcott&#039; point found directly above a layer of volcanic ash derived from Mt. Mazama.</style></abstract></record></records></xml>