<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><xml><records><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dawson. Kenneth C.A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Old Copper Artifacts from Northwestern Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1969</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent copper artifact recoveries, together with a review of previously reported finds in Northwestern Ontario, are compared to types established in Wisconsin. Their distribution is plotted and the typology confirmed. Large copper gaffs, socketed pikes and punches and rat-tailed spatulas not previously typed characterize the assemblage in the region. Considering the associated materials, the context and extensive recoveries and the spatial distribution, it is suggested that the manifestations do not represent trade or movement of people into the region as has been suggested for the manifestations in Minnesota and Manitoba. Typology and provenience suggest a centre, predating the Nipissing stage, of early Old Copper at the junctions of major rivers and Lake Superior. This is particularly evident in the data of the Kaministiquia River. The assemblage persists and spreads east and west in the middle Old Copper period but is poorly represented by the late period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arnold C.D.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Implications of the &#039;Sicco&#039; Harpoon Head Type in Thule Culture</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A recent examination of archaeological specimens excavated from the Thule Eskimo site at Naujan, Repulse Bay revealed the presence of several harpoon heads of the Sicco Open Socket type, a form not chosen by Mathiassen for illustration in his &#039;Archaeology of the Central Eskimos.&#039; Recently acquired data pertaining to the distribution of this artifact type suggests that it was an integral part of at least one variant of the initial Thule expression in the Canadian Arctic. Following a discussion on the validity of typological analysis, a consideration of the variation expressed in this harpoon head type serves to pose several questions regarding the nature of the cultural base which figured in the early development of the Thule culture.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cabak, Melanie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">INUIT WOMEN AS A CATALY T FOR CHANGE: A REPORT ON THE EXCAVATION OF THE NAIN MIDDEN (1780-1890)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A feminist agenda in archaeology recognizes the significance of gender as a universal principle of social organization. The pronounced division of labour along gender lines is well recognized in Inuit ethnography as well as in arctic archaeology (McGhee 1981). Archaeological excavation of a deep stratified midden at Nain affords an opportunity to consider the role of Inuit women in the nineteenth century.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cailliau, Juliette</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">DAMKJAR, Eric</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dean Wetzel</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Towards A Stewardship Program for Alberta&#039;s Heritage Resources</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">There are now in excess of 26,000 archaeological sites and 77,000 historic features recorded in Alberta. It is the responsibility of the Heritage Resource Management Branch of Alberta Community Development to manage and protect heritage sites that may be threatened by a variety of land developments. Management decisions are usually made at the time developments are proposed and the preferred method of mitigating potential impacts is through avoidance, thus preserving the resource for the future. However, sufficient mechanisms are not in place to ensure that avoidance is followed through by developers and that avoided sites are not impacted by later, unregulated, activities. The long term protection of heritage resources is in the interest of all Albertans. This paper examines ways of achieving effective stewardship of heritage resources through partnerships and agreements with a variety of stakeholders.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Caldwell, Megan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Temporal and Spatial Shifts in Resource Acquisition Patterns as Seen in the Fish Remains at T&#039;ukw&#039;aa, Barkley Sound, B.C.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Nuu-Chah-Nulth site of T&#039;ukw&#039;aa at the mouth of Barkley Sound , British Columbia, appears to consist of three different residential areas. Were the residents of these three areas socially differentiated? A preliminary examination of fish remains will assess whether or not differential use of resources may have existed between these three areas. As well, did use of fish resources shift through time, either between these three areas or at the site as a whole? Evidence from two other sites in Barkley Sound has shown a change in resource acquisition from mainly rock fish to salmon around 500 - 600 years ago, running counter to the common date of NAC salmon intensification (3,500 to 5,000 BP). Does this shift occur at the outer harbour site of T&#039;ukwa&#039;a, and is it seen across all three site areas?</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Caldwell, Megan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fish Resource Use in Comox Harbour: Correlating Fish Traps and Fish Remains</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents the results of recent sampling of shell midden deposits adjacent to Comox Harbour, British Columbia. Bucket auger and column sampling was undertaken to ascertain resource use patterns associated with the unique abundance of wooden stake fish traps located in Comox Harbour, proper, through the analyses of fish remains. These remains were identified and quantified with the intent of tracing changes in resource use that might be linked to the chronology of fish trap use, known from direct radiometric dates on fish trap components. This paper discusses the results of these analyses including spatial and temporal shifts in resource use, the relationship between fish traps and fish remains, and interpretation of fishing practices in Comox Harbour based on archaeological and ethnographic data.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard T. Callaghan</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Samuel M. Wilson</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Archaeology of the Caribbean</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">122-125</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard T. Callaghan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Use of Simulation Models to Estimate Frequency and Location of Japanese Edo Period Wrecks Along the Canadian Pacific Coast</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">074-094</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Simulation models are used to estimate the frequency of Japanese Edo Period wrecks along the Canadian Pacific Coast and to suggest areas that have the greatest potential for the recovery of archaeological materials. During the Edo Period (AD 1603-1867), vessels of foreign design and traditional vessels capable of safely navigating in the open sea were destroyed to prevent contact with the outside world. Vessel designs were modified so that ships venturing into the open sea would be disabled by storms. Historical records indicate a number of Japanese vessels drifting onto the Canadian and adjacent coasts, in many cases with survivors. These records are used to set parameters for the start point of voyages, whether an attempt is made to steer the vessel, voyage duration, and time of year. The simulation uses the data contained in the U. S. Navy Marine Climatic Atlas of the World.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Des modèles de simulation sont employés pour estimer la fréquence d&amp;#39;épaves japonaises de la période d&amp;#39;Édo (AD 1603-1867) le long de la côte pacifique canadienne et pour suggérer quels secteurs offrent de plus grandes possibilités intéressantes pour la récupération des matériaux archéologiques. Pendant la période d&amp;#39;Édo, des navires de conception étrangère et les jonques capables de naviguer la mer ouverte sans risque étaient détruits. Les conceptions de navire ont été modifiées de façon que les bateaux osant sur la mer ouverte soient handicapés. Ceci a été fait pour empêcher le contact avec le monde extérieur. Les documents historiques indiquent un certain nombre de navires japonais dérivant sur les côtes canadiennes et adjacentes, dans beaucoup de cas avec des survivants. Ces documents sont employés pour placer des paramètres comme, le point de début pour les voyages, si une tentative était faite d&amp;#39;orienter le navire, la durée de voyage et la période de l&amp;#39;année. La simulation emploie les données dans le U. S. Navy Marine Climatic Atlas of the World.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Callaghan, Richard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Comments on Mainland Origins of Preceramic Cultures of the Greater Antilles</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">For several decades it has been hypothesized that the early Preceramic cultures of the Greater Antilles might owe there origin to cultures of the Yucatan mainland. Currently this hypothesis has at least a tentative acceptance. However, no detailed comparative analysis of the relevant materials has been conducted. Here, significant differences between the assemblages of the two regions are pointed out. Other mainland origins have been suggested but some have not been investigated well archaeologically. Finally, a simulation investigating the possibility of discovering the Greater Antilles from various mainland regions and subsequent travel between the islands and the mainland is presented. The results show that chance discovery of the Greater Antilles from the Yucatan Peninsula is not as likely as from Northern South America. Despite the greater distance, navigation between Northern South America and the Greater Antilles requires less navigation skill than from the Yucatan Peninsula.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Callum, Kathleen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archeology in a Region of Spodosols</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Most archeologists have bandied about the adage that there were few organic remains excavated from the site, due to the acidic pH of the soil. Are archaeological materials impacted by the actual acidity, or by soil forming factors? In the Northeastem United States (especially Maine) and in the Maritime Peninsula of Canada, pedogenic conditions foster the formation of Spodosols (one of 10 USDA soil orders). Other soils in the Northeast and the Maritime Peninsula, such as Entisols, and Inceptisols, exhibit incipient spodic processes. How does archaeology in a region of Spodosols differ from other areas? This paper reviews the geographic occurrence of Spodosols, similar taxonomic groups in other pedologic classification systems, and the processes that characterize Spodosols. The geochemical processes creating Spodosols are of special interest to archeologists. Geoarcheological sampling protocols for these sites must recognize dominant pedologic conditions. These geochemical conditions change the nature of the cultural material record, affect the anthropogenic signature, and often transforin site cultural features. Two sites in Maine, the coastal Nahanada site, and the riparian Eddington Bend site will be utilized as examples of geoarchaeological sampling design and the problems facing interpretation of the resultant archaeological record after long-term spodic effects have impacted the cultural material record.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Krystal L. Cameron</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Meghan Burchell</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Trevor J. Orchard</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Species Identification of Shellfish Material from Four Sites in the Dundas Islands, British Columbia: An Examination of Variation in Collection Practi</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This research examines shellfish obtained through bucket-auger sampling of four shell midden sites in the Dundas Island Group, located off the northern coast of British Columbia. Shell fragments &gt;8mm were identified to species level. Samples were analyzed from each twenty centimeter interval from the augers, making it possible to observe variability in site level collection practices. The results from the analysis suggest a relationship between collection practices, species availability and local ecology. Interpretations regarding the availability of shellfish resources are explored, focusing on environmental and cultural factors.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Courtney Cameron</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anthrosols de deux fermes scandinaves</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Courtney Cameron</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sandra Pentney</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Analyse des fossiles directeurs retrouvés au cours des travaux de prolongement de l&#039;autoroute 63</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Campbell, Jennifer L.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Contact and Interaction Reflected in Fauna: The Huron of South Central Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper highlights changes to the subsistence patterns of Huron groups in south central Ontario during the prehistoric, protohistoric and historic periods. An analysis of the faunal material from a group of Huron sites from the Trent River Valley, Victoria County, has revealed that changing subsistence strategies can be related to the arrival of Europeans and the dispersal of the St. Lawrence Iroquoians. These sites range in date from AD 1450 to 1615 and include both village and associated resource exploitation sites. Relating the changes in Huron subsistence strategies through time to the cultural forces/changes that motivated these shifts creates a more complete picture of the Huron confederacy at the time of European contact and in the periods preceding this contact.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Campbell, Jennifer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Patch Work Quilt: Studying the Architectural Fabric of Medieval Period Caravanserais in Northwestern Pakistan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Somewhere between the study of monumental and household architecture lies an aspect of vernacular architecture that involves the creation of space that is neither solely imperial nor familial in its function and fabrication. Caravanserais are compounds where merchants, pilgrims, scholars and government employees could stop for brief periods of time. Caravanserais provided protection from robbers and weather, water for drinking, bathing and ritual ablution, a place to perform daily prayers, a market place, and in some instances a manufacturing centre. Thus, these vernacular structures are uniquely situated for addressing the creation and formation of public buildings and the interpretation and use of these spaces by the groups who occupied them. This paper introduces research into medieval period caravanserais found in Peshawar city, Pakistan. This research addresses the reinterpretation and reoccupation of space/place; a common occurrence in areas of the world where State organization is both temporally and stratigraphically deep.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Campbell, Jennifer L.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Three Dimensional Architectural Modeling: Viewing Sites in the Round</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The creation of three dimensional models in archaeology was once the domain of a computer savvy few, but advances in technology and software availability has opened this growing field of data analysis to more researchers. In this paper I address the use of ArchiCAD, an architectural drafting suite, for modeling standing and ruined archaeological structures. This software functions similarly to Architectural AutoCAD but with a friendlier user interface, a seamless three dimensional rendering component, and a photo rectification add-on. This paper presents the use of this software for modeling caravanserais from Northern Pakistan and discusses the difficulties and successes encountered in its use. It also reflects on the sorts of research questions three dimensional models can address and strategies for data collection when architectural modeling is intended in analysis.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAMPBELL, Bonnie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Results of the Canim Lake Band Archaeological Inventory Study of 111 Mile Creek, Lac la Hache, BC</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1997, the Canim Lake Band&#039;s Archaeological Inventory Study (AIS) was conducted by Arcas Consulting Archaeologists Ltd. in the 111 Mile Creek Drainage (near Lac la Hache, BC) as part of an Archaeological Overview Assessment (AOA) being conducted for the Cariboo Tribal Council. The purpose of the AIS was to generate base-line data to improve our understanding of the distribution of archaeological resources in the area and assist with forestry planning. Transects were placed in association with aquatic features to generate data about buffer size as used in AOA modelling processes. Aquatic features in two biogeoclimatic zones were tested. Each transect was surveyed twice; once judgmentally and again systematically using a predetermined test pattern. Testing included both surface and subsurface inspection. The survey was successful in two ways: (i) producing results which may be incorporated into the AOA model; and (ii) providing feedback on survey technique, particularly subsurface testing, which may have implications for future work in the region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Campbell, S.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Horizontal variability in shell midden composition: implications for interpretation of stratigraphic changes.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Shell midden sites are a common feature in the archaeological record of coastal areas and analysis of shell has played an important role in archaeological problems such as the evolution of subsistence systems. However, spurious conclusions may be reached when shell sampling and quantification give inadequate consideration to the structure of shell deposition. In particular, there is a tendency for differences in species representation between stratigraphically arranged samples to be conceptualized as trends of change through time, without regard for alternative explanations of variability such as sampling effects and horizontal inhomogeneity, or postdepostional effects. At the Duwamish site, 4SKi23, Seattle, Washington, shell lenses were collected as discrete features to provide analytic control in interpreting the variability of shell samples from larger depositional units. The results show that individuel shell lenses are environment-specific collections, and that two contemporaneous samples may differ as greatly as two stratigraphically distinct samples. This has implications for the type of sampling necessary to achieve a representative species composition for a given component.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Campling, N.R.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Identification of Swan River Chert</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A common lithic mterial found in archaeological deposits of west-central Manitoba is Swan River chert. The distribution of this variegated chert extends across Saskatchewan as far West as east-central Alberta. No bedrock outcrop is known as yet, but considerable quantities of this material are present as cobbles in the glacial tills of the region. The great variation in the colour and texture of Swan River chert is discontinuous, so that about 20 to 35 distinct varieties can be macroscopically discerned. Several questions arise at this juncture. Do the 25 or so varieties represent different cherts with perhaps differences in flaking characteristics? If all varieties consist of only one chert type, a standardized description must be provided so that Swan River chert found within the region, more distantly, or in trading contexts can be readily identified. A standardized description would facilitate the determination of the full extent of its use through time and space. Preliminary analysis of some 30 thin sections of Swan River chert indicates no congruence between macroscopic and microscopic appearance. Aside from minor variations, all but two of the Swan River chert varieties exhibited the same three crystal habits: (1) medium-grained chalcedonic spherulites with flamboyant structure; (2) medium to large-grained euhedral granoblastic quartz grains; (3) fine silt-sized anhedral quartz crystal aggregates. Varieties not exhibiting the tri-modal crystal habit are not considered to be Swan River chert. Features pertaining to the genesis of this material remain contradictory.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAMPO, Rachel</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">What&#039;s In A Kitchen? The Early Formative Kitchen And Women At Yutopian / Qu&#039;est-ce qu&#039;il y a à l&#039;intérieur d&#039;un</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Assumptions about kitchens influence archaeological interpretations of prehistory. The unexamined assumption of a one room (or structure) kitchen affects interpretations about the use of space, the importance of food production, and the role of women. Using data from the Yutopian site in Catamarca, Argentina, I will present a model that considers multiple food preparation loci rather than single kitchen areas. This focus on multiple areas of food production will encourage the recognition of food production and foodways as an important and central component to life that influences the social fabric of a household and community. In addition, by focusing on women&#039;s central role in food production and preparation, the multiple areas model permits women&#039;s production to be studied as an integrating factor in a household and community.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Debbi Cannon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology&#039;s Public: A Perspective From Two Canadian Museums</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">20</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">029-038</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Museum visitor surveys show that the audience for archaeological exhibits represents only a very small, highly-educated segment of the general population. Women and residents of foreign countries are shown to have a particular interest in local prehistory exhibits at the Royal Ontario Museum. Visitor comments and viewing behaviour at the ROM and the UBC Museum of Anthropology suggest a desire for greater contextualization of the lives of past peoples and more points of connection between past and present everyday experience. These results are used to suggest ways that archaeologists might expand and better serve the interests ofthe consuming public.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les sondages de musées montrent que les visiteurs aux expositions archéologiques représentent seulement une très petite proportion de la population générale qui a un plus haut niveau d&amp;#39;instruction. Les femmes et les résidents de pays étrangers ont un intérêt particulier pour les expositions de préhistoire au Musée royale de l&amp;#39;Ontario. Le comportement des visiteurs au Musée royal de l&amp;#39;Ontario et au Musée d&amp;#39;anthropologie de l&amp;#39;université de la Colombie-Britannique ainsi que leurs commentaires indiquent que ces gens veulent en connaître sur le contexte de la vie des gens du passé. En outre, on aimerait voir plus de discussion sur les éléments qui relient le quotidien du passé à celui du présent. Les résultats de sondage servent à suggérer des façons, que pourraient prendre les archéologues, pour développer et mieux servir le publique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ratfish and Marine Resource Dericiency on the Northwest Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Data from faunal reports, ethnographies, and nutritional studies are used to assess the prehistoric economic value of the ratfish. (Hydrolagus colliei) on the Northwest Coast. It is shown that sites or components of sites that exhibit a relatively high proportion of ratfish among the fish remains also tend to exhibit relatively low quantities of salmon and a high ratio of deer to harbour seal among mammalian fauna. Ethnographic and nutritional data indicate the low food value of ratfish and deer in contrast to more highly prized salmon and harbour seal. It is concluded that increased or relatively intense use of ratfish can serve as an indication of economic hard times. On this basis it may be possible to construct a more finely textured understanding of spatial and temporal variation in Northwest Coast economy.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Supernatural Perceptions in the Settlement History of the Central British Columbia Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent research indicates a brief period of rapid expansion in the number of winter villages in the Namu vicinity on the central coast of British Columbia at around 2500 BP. This coincides with a period of decline and instability in the Namu salmon-fishing economy. This pattern of long-term winter-village settlement at Namu, followed by a short period of expansion in the number of villages, and subsequent renewed stability appears to have been governed by perceptions of the supernatural basis of resource availability and the demands of annual ceremonies to ensure resource renewal, rather than by the physical availability or productivity of resources in the region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La diéte canine à Namu, Colombie-Britannique :Les implications pour l&#039;interprétation zooarchéologique</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L&#039;analyse isotopique du carbone et de l&#039;azote contenus dans les os de chien du site Namu sur la côte centrale de Colombie-Britannique sert à vérifier l&#039;évolution de la diéte humaine déduite des témoins zooarchéologiques. Les restes fauniques montrent une séquence particuliére de changements incluant une utilisation croissante des crustacés de même qu&#039;une augmentation, un sommet et ensuite un déclin de la proportion de saumon dans la diéte. Contrairement aux restes humains, nous possédons des os de chien pour l&#039;ensemble de la séquence chronologique représentée par les dépôts culturels contenant des restes fauniques. Par conséquent, le contenu isotopique des os de chien peut s&#039;avérer un indice trés fin de l&#039;évolution des paléo-diétes. Les résultats de cette étude montrent l&#039;importance d&#039;utiliser l&#039;analyse chimique des os parallélement à l&#039;analyse et à l&#039;interprétation zooarchéologiques.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Shell Middens, Field Methods, and Theory in Northwest Coast Archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The recent history of Pacific Northwest Coast archaeology shows how strategies of shell midden investigation have influenced interpretive frameworks. Vertical excavations of limited areal extent, well suited to early cultural historical research, have also contributed to linear evolutionary interpretations. These have been reinforced to some extent by more recent horizontal excavations of surface features, which are designed to investigate settlement patterns and social organization. Vertical and horizontal excavations, which are constrained by the depth and complexity of shell midden sites to limited areas of single-sites, tend to promote these more general, but often decontextualized interpretations based on ethnographic reconstruction and linear evolution. Alternative strategies of multi-site investigation, in contrast, highlight the role of contingency and agency in particular historical contexts.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dongya Y. Yang</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ancient DNA Insight into the Namu Salmon Fishery: Implications for Storage, Sedentism, and Archaeological History</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Results of ancient DNA analysis of salmon vertebrae from Namu show consistent use of a wide range of species and particular emphasis on those species, pink and chum, that are most suited for long-term storage. The consistent emphasis on readily stored species and the multi-seasonality of salmon fishing and other subsistence activities indicate that Namu was a sedentary, storage-based settlement from as early as 5000 BC. With the exception of a sharply lower numbers of pink salmon in the period ca. 2000 BC-AD 500, the species profile of the fishery is consistent throughout the past 7000 years. This shortfall in pink salmon may have been the key factor responsible for periodic food shortage and long-term contraction of the settlement at this time.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">LES TRANSITIONS ECONOMIQUES DE LA CôTE NORD-OUEST: L&#039;EVIDENCE DE NAMU, COLOMBIE-BRITANNIQUE</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les données faune du site Namu sur la côte centrale de Colombie-Britannique avaient employé pour examiner l&#039;ordre et la cause de changement majeure dans l&#039;économie de la Côte Nord-ouest. Les données faune indiquent qu&#039;il y avait utilisation intensive du saumon, et des autres resources marines. Ils indiquent aussi l&#039;habitation semi-sédentaire, et la capacité pour l&#039;entreposage de saumon, depuis 1000 ans avant l&#039;utilisation des coquillages. Ceci suggére qu&#039;un accroissement de la population et l&#039;exploitation d&#039;une plus grande diversité de resources marines n&#039;avaient past été la cause d&#039;un changement de la subsistance ou de l&#039;habitation. La formation de la midden coquille est associé à l&#039;intensification de la production du saumon qui suggére que l&#039;intensification de l&#039;utilisation et la réglementation des saumon était une cause nécessaire d&#039;accroissement de population et élaboration sociale.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canine Diet at Namu, British Columbia: The Implications for Zooarchaeological Interpretation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of dog bone from the site of Namu on the central coast of British Columbia is used to verify transitions in human diet inferred from zooarchaeological evidence. Faunal evidence shows a specific sequence of changes including increasing use of shellfish and an increase, peak, and subsequent decline in the proportion of salmon in the diet. Unlike human skeletal remains, dog bones are available for the entire temporal sequence of fauna-bearing cultural deposits. The isotope content of dog bone can therefore provide an dine-scaled monitor of transitions in palaeo-diet. The results of this study show the value of using bone chemistry analysis in conjunction with zoo-archaeological analysis and interpretation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ratfish and Marine Resource Deficiencies on the Northwest Coast</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">049-060</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The ratfish (Hydrolagus colliei) is considered of negligible economic value, though it is often a major component of archaeological fish assemblages from the Northwest Coast. A lack of ethnographic reference to its use and poor nutritional qualities that rank it below most available fish species suggest that the ratfish is a marginal resource that was used only in response to a deficiency of preferred marine resources. Variation in ratfish abundance indicates temporal fluctuations in local site economies on the central coast of British Columbia.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La chimère (Hydrolagus colliei - ratfish) est un poisson considéré comme une valeur économique négligeable, même s&amp;#39;il est souvent une composante majeure des assemblages fauniques sur la Côte Nord-Ouest. Un manque de données ethnographiques concernant son utilisation et ses faibles qualités nutritives, qui le place derrière toutes les autres espèces de poissons disponibles, suggèrent que la chimère est une ressource marginale exploitée uniquement en réponse à une déficience des ressources marines habituellement privilégiées. La variation dans l&amp;#39;abondance de cette espèce indique des fluctuations temporelles dans les économies locales des sites de la côte centrale de la Colombie-Britannique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Henry P. SCHWARCZ</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Martin KNYF</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ISOTOPIC CONFIRMATION OF SUBSISTENCE TRENDS AT NAMU, BRITISH COLUMBIA</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Isotopic analysis of dog bones is used to verify trends in the Namu subsistence economy over the period 6,060-1,405 BP. The results show comparable values to those obtained for human bone, and match trends in salmon and shellfish consumption indicated by the analysis of faunal remains. The study demonstrates the value of using domestic dog remains as an independent line of evidence to monitor trends in human diet on the Northwest Coast.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ECONOMIC TRANSITIONS ON THE NORTHWEST COAST: THE EVIDENCE FROM NAMU, BRITISH COLUMBIA</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Faunal data from the site of Namu (ElSx-1), on the Central Coast of British Columbia are used to examine the sequence and cause of major transitions in the Northwest Coast economy. The Namu faunal data indicate intensive utilization of salmon and other vertebrate marine resources, the likelihood of semi-sedentary settlement, and the capacity for salmon storage at least 1,000 years before the significant utilization of shellfish begins. The implication is that population growth and a consequent shift to a broader range of marine resources was not due to any major shift in subsistence of settlement pattern. The onset of shell midden formation is associated with the increased production of salmon, which suggests that increased utilization and control of salmon was a necessary cause of population increase and social elaboration.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Quantifying Change in Archaeofaunal Abundance: The Economic Prehistory of Namu, British Columbia ( ElSx-1 ), 6500-2200 B.P.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The observation that divergent faunal taxa co-occur in equal stratigraphic proportions is the basis for developing a faunal deposition rate index to standardize taxonomic abundance among major stratigraphic units. This standardization method yields an unambiguous indication of changes in taxonomic abundance. In application, the method is used to monitor change in faunal utilization during 4000 years of economic prehistory at the site of Namu (ElSx-1) on the central coast of British Columbia.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Less Invasive Approaches to Site Investigation</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">020-027</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Junko Habu</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ancient Jomon of Japan</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">29</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">293-295</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">MacDonald, Brandi Lee</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Differentiating Shell Midden Site Function through Fine Sediment Analysis</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">We present the initial results of constituent analyses of the fine fraction (&lt;2mm) of shell midden matrix obtained from auger samples collected at sites on the central coast of British Columbia. The analyses include measures of organic, carbonate, and inorganic content, and measures of inorganic grain size and shape. The results are compared between sites to determine whether variability in fine-grained midden content can differentiate reliably between short-term campsites and long-term residential settlements. The same data are compared between locations within sites to assess their utility in delineating residential and refuse disposal areas.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CANNON, A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The contexts of some early to mid Holocene sites on the Central Coast of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The contexts of some early to mid Holocene sites on the Central Coast of British Columbia. Core-testing of shell-midden sites in the Namu vicinity has revealed evidence of early to mid Holocene (10,000-5000 BP) occupation at three locations, in addition to the well-documented early occupation at Namu itself. All of these early sites occur on terraces that are greater than three metres in elevation, which contrasts with the lower elevations of initial occupation at more recent sites. Apart from elevation, the locational attributes of the early sites are highly varied, suggesting a diverse range of possible site functions. These few results from preliminary site testing highlight the potential effectiveness of core-testing for the investigation of early Holocene occupations, and point to a range of environmental and cultural factors relevant to the locations and discovery of early settlement in this region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Routes, Crossroads, and Control Points: Defining Gateway Communities on the Northwest Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Examination of three villages on the central and south coasts of British Columbia illustrates their potential role as gateway communities. Their locations at the interface between environmentally or culturally defined regions, on routes travelled for resource acquisition or cultural interchange, explain a prominence that exceeds the economic or environmental potential of their locales. The village of Namu, within traditional Heiltsuk territory on the cental coast, and the Coast Salish village of Xway xway, in what is now Stanley Park, are situated at crossroads linking travel routes north and south and between inner and outer coastal zones. While it is unlikely these villages exerted direct control over routes, their locations conceivably created and sustained social protocols for visiting and gifting while on route to further destinations. The central coast Wuikinuxv (Oweekeno) village of Cockmi, in contrast, is strategically located to control a key point of entry to Rivers Inlet.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan Keech McIntosh</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beyond Chiefdoms: Pathways to Complexity in Africa</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">318-320</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Meghan Burchell</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bathurst, Rhonda</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Shell Growth Increments and Shellfish Harvesting Strategies on the Central British Columbia Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Growth increment analyses of clam shell from sites on the central coast of British Columbia show evidence of distinct strategies of shellfish collection between site locations. The growth increment profiles of sectioned shells suggest at least three different collection modes. These include casual use of shellfish from the immediate vicinity of smaller campsites, intensive harvest of shellfish at specialized gathering locations, and periodic forays from base camps and villages for the selective gathering of clams from multiple locations in the site vicinity. The more intensive collection strategies appear to have involved sustainable selection of older clams. Specific strategies were sustained over millennia at different site locations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">évolution des idées en matiére d&#039;histoires archéologiques de la côte Nord-Ouest</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gerry Canoty</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">B.O.K. Reeves</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">M.A. Kennedy</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kunaitupii. Coming Together on Native Sacred Sites</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">160-162</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canouts, Veletta</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Report on the Activities of the CIDOC Archaeological Sites Working Group</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Abstract not available.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Place Where Chitons are Cooked: The Bear Cove Fauna in the Context of the Origins of Northwest Coast Maritime Culture</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Bear Cove site (EeSu 8) was excavated in 1978 on the northern end of Vancouver Island, British Columbia. The 8,200 B.P. stratigraphic sequence included shell midden and non-shell deposits, an early Pebble Tool Tradition artifact assemblage and later Developmental Northwest Coast artifact assemblages, radio-carbon dated samples (uncalibrated), and extensive faunal remains. This paper will present an overview of the hitherto unreported complete faunal assemblage from the early 8,020 B.P component to the later post-4,000 B.P. shell midden components of the site. The faunal data indicate a record of a fully marine-adapted culture that has focused on the sea for subsistence since early occupation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine C. Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Indigenous Historic Archaeology of the 19th-Century Secwepemc Village at Thompson’s River Post, Kamloops, British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">193-250</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper explores the way that theoretical ideas, particularly those situated in post-colonial theory, inform interpretations about Indigenous peoples&amp;rsquo; contacts with fur traders in the Canadian Plateau of British Columbia in the early 19th century. The theoretical discourse on the archaeology of colonialism frames the interpretation of an archaeological excavation of an historic Secwepemc (Shuswap) village associated with an early Hudson&amp;rsquo;s Bay Company fur trade post at Kamloops established in 1811. Following a decade of seasonal trading, a permanent trading post was built in 1821, and a new Secwepemc village was established adjacent to it. House features, faunal remains, and material culture were recovered from the site (EeRc&amp;ndash;22) during four field seasons of excavation. An overview of historical and ethnographic texts provides additional information pertaining to Aboriginal peoples on the Plateau during the historic period. The excavations of both the village, containing traditional circular semi-subterranean pithouses, and the adjacent trading post have provided comparative evidence of trading relations and cultural continuity and change in Indigenous and fur trader households in the first three decades of contact at Kamloops.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cet article explore la manière dans laquelle les cadres théoriques, notamment ceux issus de la théorie post-coloniale, vont influencer les interprétations que les archéologues font des contacts entre populations autochtones et commerçants de fourrure sur le Plateau canadien de la Colombie-Britannique au 19e siècle. La fouille archéologique d&amp;rsquo;un village historique Secwepemc (Shuswap), associé à un poste de traite des fourrures de la Compagnie de la Baie d&amp;rsquo;Hudson établi en 1811, est interprétée dans le cadre d&amp;rsquo;un discours théorique associé à l&amp;rsquo;archéologie du colonialisme. Après une décennie de commerce saisonnier, un poste de traite permanent a été construit en 1821 et un nouveau village Secwepemc a été établi à proximité. Quatre campagnes de fouilles sur ce site (EeRc&amp;ndash;22) ont révélé des vestiges d&amp;rsquo;habitations, des restes fauniques, ainsi que divers éléments de la culture matérielle. Une revue des documents historiques et ethnographiques révèle des informations additionnelles sur les populations autochtones du Plateau au cours de la période historique. Les fouilles menées au poste de traite et aux deux villages, lesquels contiennent des habitations circulaires semi-souterraines, fournissent des données comparatives sur les relations commerciales, de même que sur les éléments de continuité et de changement dans les maisonnées des autochtones et des marchands de fourrure pendant les trois premières décennies de la période du contact à Kamloops.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CARLSON, Roy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ART AND SOCIETY ON THE NORTHWEST COAST</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Northwest Coast Native art has usually been studied in relation to its role in social interaction involving rank, prestige and elitism. However, close examination of Northwest Coast ethnography and of the content and context of prehistoric Northwest Coast art indicates that there is an underlying spiritual dimension to the art tradition and that this dimension was the likely catalyst for the development of the art tradition in its early stages. In this paper the archaeological evidence from the excavations at the Pender Canal site and a summary of the ethnographic data relevant to this proposition are presented.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Isaac</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistoric Economies of the Pacific Northwest Coast</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">13</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">232-237</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CARLSON, Arne K</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nechako Plateau Culturally Modified Trees</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Approximately 200 culturally modified tree (CMT) sites have recently been recorded in the central interior of B.C. during archaeological impact assessments of forest industry operations. Together, these sites represent somewhere between 8,000 and 12,000 individual CMTs. The most common type of CMT is the pine cambium stripping scar, representing about 98% of all the CMTs recorded. This is probably the most common type of CMT in the province. Spatial patterning in the distribution of these pine CMTs provides a regional scale picture of aboriginal land use over the period 1800-1950.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles E. Borden (1905–1978)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">233-239</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Philip M. Hobler</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nenana and Early Northwest Coast Similarities: Apples and Oranges or Oranges and Tangerines?</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The earliest cultures of the B.C.-Alaska coast north of the Strait of Juan de Fuca are more similar to Nenana than they are to the early cultures of adjacent regions. Because of the nature and availability of the data, comparisons are limited to lithic types and assemblages. Types typical of both cultures include scraper-planes (core scrapers), foliate and tear-drop bifaces, perforators, and scrapers. Microblade technology is either absent or very rare. Nenana begins by 11,800 cybp and according to some researchers continues in some regions of central Alaska to 8500 cybp and thus overlaps with the earliest dated Northwest Coast assemblages which begin about 10,000 cybp and continue little changed for some 1500 years. In this paper we explore the degree of similarity between the early Northwest assemblages and Nenana and suggest an historical relationship in which Nenana is at least in part antecedent.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">D. B. Madsen</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Entering America: Northeast Asia and Beringia Before the Last Glacial Maximum</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">29</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">296-300</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Early Period on the Central Coast of British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">211-228</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Unlike all other periods of Central Coast prehistory, the Early Period is typified by a high frequency of flaked stone tools. These assemblages include tools of diverse types: pebble tools, leaf-shaped bifaces, microblades, macroblades and Levalloisoid flakes and cores. This paper explores the question of the external affinities of these industries, their meaning in terms of way of life during the period, and their potential relationships to linguistic groups of the historic period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Glacial Lakes and Salmonids in the Southern Interior of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bony skeletons of salmon encased in clay nodules eroding from glacial lake sediments along Kamloops Lake, in the southern interior of British Columbia, have been AMS radiocarbon dated to 18,110+90 and 15,480+60 BP. These are the only known salmonid remains of Late Wisconsin age in the Pacific Northwest, and are significant in demonstrating the presence of salmon in the river drainages during the late glacial maximum. On the basis of morphological size of the specimens, and on measurement of the low delta C13 value in the bone (-22.2 o/oo and -23.8 o/oo), it is argued that these were probably landlocked Oncorhynchus nerka (the Kokanee form of sockeye salmon). An experimental study of the ancient salmon DNA on these specimens is presently underway and has promise for resolving the species determination issue. This paper will discuss the salmon specimens and their geological source with the purpose of reconstructing the paleozoogeography of salmon in the Pacific Northwest including the implications for early human subsistence and migration patterns. Also addressed are the questions of the extent and timing of glacial lakes and ice retreat, and drainage patterns, in the southern interior of British Columbia in the Late Wisconsin.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CARLSON, Roy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Projectile Point Sequences on the Gulf Islands and the Central Coast of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Biface industries are present on the coast of British Columbia by 10,500 years ago. Fluted points from undated contexts on the coast are known south of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, but none have been found to the north on the coast of British Columbia where non-fluted, foliate (leaf-shaped) bifaces of several types are the earliest types found during the first 5,000 years of prehistory. In the Gulf Islands there is little evidence for human habitation predating 5000 BP. The biface types present at that time consist of both foliate and contracting stemmed forms similar to those found in the Fraser Canyon sequence. These types persist until about 2000 BP when triangular points with or without barbs become the most common types. After 1500 BP chipped stone points become rare, and those that are found are usually small side-notched or corner notched arrow points. On the central coast the earliest points are foliate bifaces without stems or barbs of which some resemble the Chindadn &quot;heart-shaped&quot; bifaces of the Nenana Complex of central Alaska that are also found in Haida Gwaii. By 6000 BP some of the foliate bifaces have incipient stems. Bifaces with definite contracting stems appear by 3500 BP, and both fishtail bifaces and side-notched bifaces appear on the central coast between 2000 and 1500 BP. Small side-notched arrow points are found after 1500 BP, but none of these types are common .</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Paul Szpak</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Richards</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Pender Canal Site and the Beginnings of the Northwest Coast Cultural System</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2017</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">41</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1-29</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Data from the Pender Canal site excavations relevant to the time and place of origin of the Northwest Coast cultural system are presented with calibrated and new marine reservoir corrected radiocarbon dates. The emphasis is on the evidence for art, ceremonialism, and personal adornment present in the 4500 to 2600 cal B.P. time period, and their relevance as indicators of early socio-cultural complexity.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les données provenant des fouilles du site Pender Canal pertinentes à l’heure et le lieu d’origine du système culturel côte nord-ouest sont présentés avec des dates de radiocarbone corrigées réservoir marine calibrées et nouvelles. L’accent est mis sur les éléments de preuve pour l’art, cérémonialisme et parure présent dans le B.P. période 4.500 à 2.600 cal, et leur pertinence en tant qu’indicateurs de la complexité socio-culturelle précoce.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Nineteenth Century Archaeology of Harlan I. Smith in Southern British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Field letters and notes, photo scrapbooks, publications, and artifact collections of Harlan I. Smith from the American Museum of Natural History document the earliest archaeological expeditions to British Columbia. From a study of these records, the motivations, research questions, accomplishments, and relations with aboriginal peoples are revealed. Franz Boas largely dictated a biological approach to Smith&#039;s fieldwork, one that involved the collection of photographic portraitures and human skeletal remains; however Smith&#039;s published monographs from his expeditions focus on an analysis of the material culture of the Interior Salish peoples.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Early Component at Bear Cove</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">177-194</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine C. Carlson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">KLEIN, Ken E.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">AMS Dating of Late Pleistocene Salmonids from Kamloops Lake, British Columbia / Datation par la technique SMA de salmonidés du pléistoc&amp;</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Late Pleistocene age determinations on salmon bones from a geological site on Kamloops Lake, British Columbia are discussed. AMS radiocarbon dates ranging between 18,100 and 15,500 B.P. are problematic for current ice cover models in the southern interior Plateau. Implications for environmental reconstruction, salmon zoogeography, and archaeology are presented.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carlson, Maureen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">My Life with Dr. B. in the &#039;50s</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">As a student of Carl Borden&#039;s at U.B.C. in the early 1950&#039;s, I worked as his lab assistant and participated in field work over a number of years at Musqueam, Chinlac, Tweedsmuir Park, The Kootenay Survey and the Milliken Site. A few stories and slides will be shared to remember my favourite professor and the early days of archaeology in B.C.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Haynes</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Early Settlement of North America: The Clovis Era</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">321-322</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CARLSON, Roy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">British Columbia&#039;s First Salvage Archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The idea that developers who are impacting archaeological remains should pay for the necessary archaeological research was first successfully implemented in British Columbia in 1951-52 by the late C.E. Borden. He successfully solicited funds from the Ministry of Education and the Alcan Aluminum Company for the archaeological exploration of the reservoir area soon to be flooded by construction of the Kinney dam on the Nechako River. Archaeological survey was undertaken in 1951 and excavation of key sites in 1952. Although the amount of funding seems very little by today&#039;s standards it was a significant amount for that time, and allowed Borden to arrive at a chronology for the region and draw certain cultural-historical conclusions. It also set in motion the development of the site designation system still used in most of Canada today, and the drafting of the Archaeological and Historic Sites Protection Act which eventually led to the present legislation and the evolution of the Archaeology Branch from earlier government bodies. In this paper I review the archaeological data from the excavations in the reservoir area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Solicited Dialogue on &quot;A Never Ending Story&quot;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">18</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">112-114</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine C. Carlson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Morphology and Dating of Projectile Points from Northern Vancouver Island</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The coastal archaeology of the northern portion of Vancouver Island, including sites in Queen Charlotte Strait, Hardy Bay, and Quatsino Sound, has revealed a very small sample of projectile points, but with a considerable time span. Most are of the leaf-shaped spear point form. This paper will describe metric, stylistic, and raw material traits for this small sample in their dateable contexts. Comparison with points from other coastal areas suggest closest relationships are with central coast assemblages.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Catherine Carlson</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Paula Pryce</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&#039;Keeping the Lakes&#039; Way&#039;: Reburial and the Re-creation of a Moral World Among an Invisible People</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">112-116</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dillon H. Carr</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William A. Lovis</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Standardization, Reliability, and Paleoindian Ovate Biface Production: A View from 20-Cl-227, the Round Lake Site Cache, Clinton County, Michigan, USA</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">297–318</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Biface caches may be one of the most distinctive and enigmatic aspects of Paleoindian behavior. Here we contribute to discussion of this phenomenon by presenting an analysis and interpretation of a heretofore unreported biface cache, consisting of 24 ovate bifaces and a single large flake blank, documented in 1981 from the Round Lake locality (20-CL-227), Clinton County, Michigan, USA. Analysis of metric and non-metric attributes support an interpretation that the cached bifaces are, more probable than not, early Paleoindian in age, and are most likely attributable to the Gainey fluted point phase (ca. 11,500–10,800 &lt;sup&gt;14&lt;/sup&gt;C B.P.). Moreover, the cache is distinguished by a high degree of standardization, and represents the same intentional point in the chaine opératoire of fluted biface manufacture, suggesting production by a single individual. As a necessary complement to our technological analysis of the cache, we situate our interpretation of the Round Lake cache within the broader regional context of Great Lakes Paleoindian behavior.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Caches biface peuvent être l’un des aspects les plus distinctifs et les plus énigmatiques du comportement Paléoindien. Ici, nous contribuons à la discussion de ce phénomène en présentant une analyse et l’interprétation d’un cache de biface jusqu’ici inédit, composé de 24 bifaces ovales et un seul gros flocons blancs, documentés en 1981 de la localité Round Lake (20-Cl-227), Comté du Clinton, Michigan, États-Unis. Analyse des attributs métriques et non-métriques soutenir une interprétation que les bifaces mises en cache sont, plus probable que non, début Paléoindien en âge, et sont très probablement attribuables à la phase de Gainey Fluted Point (environ 11,500-10,800 &lt;sup&gt;14&lt;/sup&gt;C B.P.). De plus, le cache se distingue par un degré élevé de standardisation, et représente le même point intentionnel dans la chaîne opératoire de fabrication cannelée biface, ce qui suggère la production par une seule personne. Comme un complément nécessaire à l’analyse technologique du cache, nous situons notre interprétation du cache Round Lake dans le contexte régional plus large du comportement Paléoindien des Grands Lacs.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carr-Locke, Sarah E.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The &#039;Image of the Indian&#039; and archaeological theory in Canada: how has the use of theory discouraged First Nations involvement?</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper will be examine archaeological discourse in Canada in order to consider how it has affected the discipline&#039;s relationship with First Nations. As many have shown, interactions between colonial state powers with original inhabitants of the land were and to a certain extent still are also shaped by images formed through popular discourse. Following Trigger (1980), I argue that the stereotyping of Indians has been the most important single factor shaping the development of archaeology in North America. In order to move towards a way of doing archaeology that is anti-colonial and cooperative, archaeologists must critically examine and take a certain amount of responsibility for archaeology&#039;s hand in constructing images of Aboriginal Peoples. By examining the development of archaeology in Canada, with careful consideration to the use of theory, these images may be recognized and explored. Through this historical examination, it will be demonstrated that Canadian archaeology has viewed Indians as subjects or objects but only recently as actors in the formulation and dissemination of their own histories.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carr-Locke, Sarah E.</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colwell-Chanthaphonh, Chip</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Inheriting the Past: The Making of Arthur C. Parker and Indigenous Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2011</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">35</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">332-335</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carruthers, Peter</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ronald Williamson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Land of Many Cultures: Planning for the Conservation of Archaeological Features in the City of Toronto</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 2002, the City of Toronto initiated a comprehensive planning and management study for archaeological resources within the City. The Archaeological Master Plan has four major goals including the compilation of detailed, reliable inventories of registered and unregistered archaeological sites within the City, the preparation of a thematic overview of the City&#039;s settlement history as it relates to the potential occurrence of additional pre-and post-contact archaeological resources, the development of an archaeological site potential model, based on known site locations, past and present land uses, environmental and cultural-historical data, and assessment of the likelihood for survival of archaeological resources in various urban contexts and assessment and the provision of recommendations concerning the preparation of archaeological resource conservation and management guidelines for the City. The study began with a comprehensive review of archaeological conservation policies in major cities around the world focussing on Europe, Asia and North America. The resultant design for this study represents one of the most effective approaches to archaeological resource conservation currently employed by a major city anywhere in the world.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CARSCALLEN, Charles</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Lake Temagami Site (CgHa-2): Comparing Materials and Manufacturing Methods from a Multi-Component Site in Northeastern Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The multi-component Lake Temagami Site consists of at least four discrete clusters of lithic artifacts spread over an area of approximately ten acres. These clusters are interpreted as discrete occupation areas. The excavations in the first season of work (1993) concentrated on a single late prehistoric component. The component yielded a lithic assemblage dominated by quartz artifacts manufactured using bipolar reduction. Based on test pit samples, this stands in sharp contrast to the other three components which are dominated by rhyolite, greywacke and rhyolite and quartz respectively. Preliminary analysis of this assemblage has focused on the need for a meaningful method for describing quartz assemblages as well as a means of comparing such assemblages with those manufactured on other materials.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carscallen, Charlton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Allandale Site:A Uren Period Special Purpose Site in Simcoe County</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper will describe the results of mitigative excavations at the late 13th Century Allandale Site (BcGw-69) in Barrie, Ontario. Although much of the site has been destroyed through construction and reconstruction of the Allandale Train Station over the past 150 years, a large midden remained in tact. Ceramic recoveries from the site include 92 ceramic vessels and an enormous quantity of fish bone, mammal and bird bone. Despite the lack of settlement pattern data, the faunal assemblage and physical situation of the site on the shores of Lake Simcoe argue for its use as a seasonal procurement location.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CARSON, Laurie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Investigations and Analysis of the Cumberland House I (or Old Cumberland House) (1774-1794) Recoveries / Fouilles à la Cumberlan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">As trading relations between the Hudson&#039;s Bay and Northwest Companies began to intensify, a number of explorers were dispatched to the western regions of Canada for the purpose of establishing posts and securing trade relations with native populations in the surrounding areas. In 1774, Samuel Hearne founded the first Hudson&#039;s Bay Company inland trading post, Cumberland House I (or old Cumberland House) along the southern shore of Cumberland Lake. In 1790 construction began on Cumberland House II (or New Cumberland House) 1.5 km northwest of the old site and by 1794 Old Cumberland House was abandoned and operations were moved to the new location. Three field seasons of excavation, in the summers of 1991, 1992 and 1994, were carried out at the Old Cumberland House site under the supervision of Dr. David Meyer and Jill Musser from the University of Saskatchewan. This presentation deals with the subject of those investigations and subsequent analysis of the Old Cumberland House archaeological collection.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CARTER, Matthew</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">AN ANALYSIS OF A SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY BLACKSMITH SHOP AT FERRYLAND, NEWFOUNDLAND</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">During the summer of 1994 a Memorial University field crew completed the excavation of a smithy in an area of Ferryland commonly referred to as &#039;The Pool.&#039; The excavations revealed a forge of stone construction, measuring approximately 1.2 by 1.8 metres, as well as other structural evidence and an immense amount of iron and slag. The smithy was in a remarkable state of preservation, enabling archaeologists to retrieve a vast amount of information. This paper will discuss dating of the forge and the layout of the smithy. Various types of artifacts will be described to help determine what types of items were being manufactured and repaired by the Ferryland smiths.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tristan Carter</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">From strontium to the social? The intellectual shortcomings of obsidian characterization studies</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In an East Mediterranean context, the work of Renfrew et al in the 1960s set the bench mark not only with regard to archaeometric innovation, but also in terms of the grand social science questions being asked through the material. Subsequent critiques of Renfrew&#039;s (substantiavist) position and the alleged significance of fall-off patterns led to something of an abandonment of characterisation work in the Aegean and Near East until a new wave of analyses in the recent decade. It is argued here that these new characterisation studies represent far more of a geo-archaeological and archaoemetric success story than they do with regard to a social archaeology, i.e. while we now have high precision techniques to source our artefacts, archaeologists have fallen short in their interrogation of the results. Drawing upon recent work at Neolithic çatalhöyük (central Anatolia) and Bronze Age Malia (Crete), this paper explores some of the ways that we might maximize our investment in characterisation studies, through the adoption of a chaîne opératoire / contextual analytical framework, considerations of the &#039;samples&#039; material attributes and the potential of GIS as not only sophisticated means of integrating and analyzing spatially variable data but also as a way of charting some of the bodily experiences associated with procurement from afar. While the case studies will be East Mediterranean, it is believed that the critiques and responses have a far wider application.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Casagrand, Robert S.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Oral Tradition, Archaeology, and the League of the Iroquois</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An historical analysis of the oral tradition concerning the formation of the League of the Iroquois is discussed, focussing on the limitations of using ritual oral discourse for interpreting the circumstances that influenced the formation of the League. This analysis differs from previous work on this topic by emphasizing oral tradition as a dynamic system utilized within a changing social context. The bounds within which information flow, modification, and manipulation occur imply the roles and origins of consistent verbal motif types that appear throughout the tradition. Implications for the interpretation of settlement patterns, exchange, and symbolic attributes are examined in reference to assemblages in the Mohawk River drainage.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Casey, Joanna</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">It Ain&#039;t The Meat, Its the Motion: Subsistence and Mobility in Holocene Ghana</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper looks at the lithic assemblages from a series of Kintampo Complex (Ceramic LSA, 3500-3000 bp) sites on the Gambaga Escarpment in Northeastern Ghana, West Africa. These assemblages contain a small, formal component of ground and chipped stone tools, and a large, informal component of bipolar flakes and flake tools. The size and relative permanence of the Kintampo communities argue for a settled, horticultural subsistence, but the informal tool assemblage indicates regular access to non-local sources of lithic raw material. In this paper I will demonstrate two things. First that the act of forest clearing and burning enhances the animal protein yield to such an extent that a formalized hunting strategy and its consequent toolkit are rendered superfluous, and second, that without the necessity to create a formal, portable toolkit, bipolar technology is a highly effective means of producing efficient tools.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth A. Cassavoy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Southampton Beach Shipwrecks Project: The excavation, lifting and reburial of an 1870&#039;s stone-hooker work barge discovered under the sand of a La</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The investigation of shipwreck frame tips, exposed by low water levels along the shore of Lake Huron led to the discovery that two vessels - from different periods - were buried in the same location under the sand of a Southampton, Ontario, beach. One of the vessels was a stone-hooker work barge from the 1870&#039;s period of harbour construction in the Southampton area. In order to protect the work barge from intermittent exposure and wave damage on the beach, it was fully excavated in the spring of 2007, lifted by crane and moved to a new, deeper resting place further north on the beach. This paper describes both the excavation and the complex task of lifting, moving and reburying the vessel. It also illustrates how the detailed recording of the vessel has provided what may be the only existing record of how these sturdy little workhorse vessels - ubiquitous on the Great Lakes in the era of sail - were constructed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth A. Cassavoy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Southampton Beach Shipwrecks Site: Artifacts and Archives - Identifying a shipwreck, buried on the Lake Huron shore, as the Royal Navy Brig H.M.S. Gen</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 2001, low water levels on Lake Huron exposed several frame tips of a shipwreck buried under the sand of a Southampton, Ontario, beach. A series of archaeological excavations between 2001 and 2004 revealed and documented the buried hull of an unidentified early 19th-century Great Lakes sailing vessel. This paper describes how the subsequent analysis of artifacts from the shipwreck, combined with lengthy archival research, culminated in the positive identification of the hull as the War of 1812 British Royal Navy Brig H. M.S. General Hunter.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CHALMERS, Alan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John TIDMUS</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Simon STODDART</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Photo-Realistic Visualization of Archaeological Sites</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Evidence from the archaeological record yields clues as to how our ancestors lived. However, our perceptions and analyses of this data may be clouded by the lack of surviving structures or unmodified landscapes that can be used to put this evidence into a better context. Recent developments in computer visualization are providing powerful tools for modelling multi-dimensional aspects of the data gathered by archaeologists. Computer graphic techniques can be used to reconstruct and visualize features of a site which may otherwise be difficult to appreciate. This new perspective may enhance our understanding of the environments in which our ancestors lived. Recent developments have made it possible to &#039;construct&#039; virtual environments on a computer and view photo-realistic images of these scenes [4]. It is possible, therefore, to recreate an archaeological site on a computer and provide the viewer with an accurate representation of the actual rernains. Furthermore, geometric modelling techniques enable extrapolations from existing evidence to reconstruct the site as it may have appeared to the original inhabitants [5]. Although static images are useful for providing impressions of a site, far greater insight can be obtained by making it possible for the user to navigate through the three dimensional representation. This experience will be enhanced by the photo-realistic nature of the computer model including accurate illumination and the presence of environmental factors such as smoke dust or fog. It is essential that such a navigation systern is interactive, responding immediately to the operator&#039;s directions [3]. In all image synthesis techniques, the fundamental step is computing the amount and nature of light from the three dimensional environment reaching the eye from any given direction. This computation is carried out by simulating the behaviour of light in the environment. This simulation must allow for the medium participation of light emitters such as flames, light absorbers such as soot clouds, and light scatterers such as dust or smoke. The particle tracing technique traces the path of photons as they are emitted from light sources and uses the reflected/refracted/emitted particle flux given by a large number of these particles as a measure of the illumination of the environment [4]. This model accurately simulates the physical propagation of light, and can be used for complex scenes involving medium participation. Experience, based on sequential implementations of the particle tracing method, has shown that even for relatively simple environments the number of particles that have to be considered in the simulation can be of the order of a few hundred thousand. On the single processor machine this can amount to many minutes and even hours of computing time. The application of advanced parallel processing methods should allow the visualization to be accomplished in real-time [1,2].This paper will describe a parallel computer system, currently under development as a joint project between computer scientists and archaeologists, for reconstructing and photo-realistically visualizing archaeological sites.References:[1] A. G. Chalmers, S. Pattanaik, A. Biriukov, and P. Sharpe. Parallel processing for interactive photo-realistic building walkthroughs. In W. Straser and F. Wahl, editors, Graphics &amp; Robotics, Schloss Dagsthul, Apr. 1993.[2] F. W. Jansen and A. G. Chalmers. Realism in real-time? In Proceedings of the Fourth Eurographics Workshop on Rendering, Paris, June 1993.[3] J.H.R. John, M. Airey and F.P.Brooks Jr. Towards image realism with interactive update rates in complex virtual building enviromnents. ACM SIGGRAPH Special Issue on Interactive 3D graphics, 24(2):41-50,1990.[4] S.N. Pattanaik. Computational methods for global illumination and visualisation of complex 3D environments. Ph.D. thesis, National Centre for Software Technology, Juhu, Bombay, Indian, Feb. 1993.[5] P. Reilly and S. Shennan. Applying Solid Modelling and Animated Three-Dimensional Graphics to Archaeological Problems. Technical Report UKSC 209, IBM UK Scientific Centre, Winchester, Oct. 1989.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David H. Chance</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Using Archival Data Pertinent to Fur Trade Contact in the Colvile District.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The character and abundance of ethnohistoric data available on the fur trade contact with the peoples of the H.B.C, Colvile District of the Columbia Plateau are evaluated. Most attention is given to the documents of the Hudson&#039;s Bay Company, but some comparison is made to other types of records. Along with the discussion of sources, reference is made to some of the conclusions that may be drawn from them with varying degrees of reliability. Such conclusions refer to demographic changes, alterations of political structure, the emergence of larger ethnic entities, rates of acculturation in relation to the proximity of Fort Colvile, interpretations of the markets, the spread of European ideology and custom, trapping intensity, the role of the Company in gold mining, and the question of peonage to the Company.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Greg Kennedy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">TIME OF ARRIVAL OF EASTERN ST.LAWRENCE IROQUOIANS IN THE QUéBEC CITY AREA BASED ON NEUTRON ACTIVATION ANALYSIS</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Eastern St. Lawrence Iroquoians encountered by Jacques Cartier in the sixteenth century were living in a cluster of villages around present day Québec City on the north shore of the St. Lawrence River. They have been regarded as a recent expansion from Iroquoian groups living to the south as late as the fifteenth century. This hypothesis has never been confirmed by a detailed analysis and the purpose of this paper is to clarify the time of arrival of this Iroquoian group in the Québec City area. We will therefore present the new data produced by the neutron activation analysis of more than 50 pottery samples dating to the Middle and Late Woodland Period. The results indicate the necessity to revise the current hypothesis and suggest an in situ development for a small Iroquoian-speaking group going back as far as the Middle Woodland period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steve Bourget</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A New Eastern Plano site in Rimouski (DcEd-2)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In September 1992, limited fieldwork in the vicinity of the Eastern Plano site of Rimouski (DcEd-1), excavated during the summer of 1991, led to the discovery of a partially intact portion of a new site in a wooded lot. Located at the same altitude, ca 86 m above sea level and on a similar sandy landform, the site has revealed a diagnostic Plano point of the Sainte-Anne-des-Monts type. Following a general description of the site, the tools will be presented as well as the artifactual distribution. The cultural significance of this new site will also be discussed within local and regional frameworks.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Une archéologie sociale des Iroquoiens de Saint-Anicet, la question identitaire / A Social Archaeology of the Saint-Anicet Iroquoians: A Question of Identity</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">303-329</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Saint-Anicet region has received continuous archaeological attention between 1992 and 2017, resulting in a large dataset on three village sites. The McDonald, Droulers, and Mailhot-Curran sites represent a local sequence covering the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries. The material culture, specifically remains of longhouses, corn cultivation, and a rich ceramic assemblage, clearly indicates an Iroquoian identity. While the main goal of fieldwork was to build a social archaeology based on the extensive excavation of longhouses, fieldwork was guided by the conviction that Saint-Anicet Iroquoians were members of a distinct group, identified as St. Lawrence Iroquoians by archaeologists. This study will review the data and arguments supporting this specific cultural identity while problems linked to this identity building will be acknowledged.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La région de Saint-Anicet a connu une longue phase d’acquisition de données sur trois sites villageois entre 1992 et 2017. Les sites McDonald, Droulers et Mailhot-Curran constituent une séquence régionale s’étendant du XIV&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; au XVI&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; siècles. La majorité des indices matériels et en particulier la présence de maisons-longues, l’importance de la culture du maïs et d’un riche corpus céramique indiquent sans équivoque une identité iroquoienne. Tout en voulant contribuer à une archéologie sociale des communautés en privilégiant la fouille extensive des maisons-longues, les interventions étaient guidées par une conviction selon laquelle les Iroquoiens de Saint-Anicet appartiennent à un groupe distinct que les archéologues identifient aux Iroquoiens du Saint-Laurent. Cette étude a pour but de présenter les données et les arguments menant à cette identification culturelle précise tout en essayant d’identifier les problèmes liés à cette construction identitaire.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tiziana Gallo</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Droulers-Tsiionhiakwatha: chef-lieu iroquoien de Saint- Anicet à la fin du XVe siècle</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">249-252</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE MARITIME ADAPTATION OF ST. LAWRENCE IROQUOIANS</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The St. Lawrence Iroquoians living in the Québec City area have been regarded as a very particular Iroquoian group. They were the only group within Iroquoia to have a direct access to the sea and its rich fauna. Several sites containing evidence of an Iroquoian presence in the St. Lawrence estuary will be reviewed as will be the site from Place Royale in downtown Québec City and the cluster of fishing camps in the Cap Tourmente lowland. The analysis of the related ecofactual data will provide us with some insight into the maritime adaptation of these northern horticulturists. The importance of the sea resources in their annual cycle will also be discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Iroquoians of the Saint Lawrence Valley: Increasing Regionalism</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Understanding the Iroquoian presence in the St. Lawrence Valley is challenged by growing regionalism but we can still study this vast Iroquoian world as an interaction sphere with a sornewhat long story of reproduction success. Increase cultural variability at the regional level has led most archaeologists to divide the Valley into several homogeneous cultural areas. The current state of pottery seriation (the emergence of the diagnostic St. Lawrence Iroquoian pottery) and settlement patterns as well as other general aspects of these cultural groupe will be addressed within geographic divisions.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Eastern Saint Lawrence Iroquoians in the Cap Tourmente Area</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The principal objective of this paper is to present new evidence concerning the Iroquoian occupation of the lowlands east of Quebec City. For the last three years, we have investigated more than twenty prehistoric sites in the Cap Tourmente area but I will concentrate here on eight Late Woodland sites. Most of the Iroquoian sites arc located on the first available terrace emerging from the Saint Lawrence River. The geographical setting of these settlements indicates a pattern of fishing stations regularly distributed on a stretch of 4 km along the lower terrace. The discovery of a small 16th century village, containing at least 4 longhouses, in the same enviromnent as the smaller fishing camps is intriguing. On the basis of this new Iroquoian cluster and its characteristics, we will dis-cuss the settlement pattern and the related adaptive system of these northern farmers.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Morphological and Chemical Variability of Copper Artifacts from the Morrison Island Site</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The assemblage of copper artifacts from the Morrison Island Site is definitely one of the most important collections for understanding the role of the copper industry in the Northeast. The morphology of the artifacts is presented as well as some remarks on the function and the technological aspects of this collection. The results of a neutron activation analysis are used to address chemical variability and the location of potential sources. We conclude by discussing the significance of this rich Archaic assemblage located at a strategic point along the Ottawa Valley.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont et Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Une station cosmopolite du Sylvicole Moyen: Pointe-du-Buisson No. 3</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1978</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">079-100</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The middle Woodland pottery from Area 3 at the Pointe-du-Buisson site exhibits a complex of diagnostic behaviour traits which lead us to postulate that this locality was frequented at different times by Amerindian groups who shared a variety of techniques but differed in their choice of decorative arrangements. Insofar as pottery attributes are concerned, Area 3 is unique in that we find here, concentrated in one place, a number of cultural manifestations that occur only as separate and distinctive entities in other regions such as southern Ontario, the State of New York and the Ottawa Valley.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La poterie du Sylvicole moyen de la station No. 3 de la Pointe-du-Buisson révèle un ensemble de comportements diagnostiques qui nous font croire que l&amp;#39;endroit a été visité à plusieurs reprises par des groupes qui partageaient plusieurs techniques en commun mais qui devaient se distinguer les uns des autres au niveau des préférences décoratives. On y retrouve plusieurs exemples de création qui ont été mentionnés dans le sud ontarien, l&amp;#39;état de New York ou la vallée de l&amp;#39;Outaouais mais l&amp;#39;originalité de la station No. 3 est de regrouper ces différentes manifestations sur un même site.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An Early Late Woodland Pottery Sequence East of Lac Saint-Pierre : Definition,Chronology and Cultural Affiliation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Quels sont les principaux attributs utilisés pour définir la poterie du début du Sylvicole supérieur? Nous examinerons attentivement cette importante question en nous référant à un ensemble de sites pouvant servir à établir une séquence régionale. Nous étudierons également la chronologie de ces sites à occupations multiples qui soulévent la difficulté d&#039;associer la poterie à une tradition particuliére. Finalement, en nous appuyant sur une définition précise et un cadre spatio-temporel adéquat, nous porterons notre attention sur la signification culturelle et l&#039;identification ethnique de cette poterie du Sylvicole supérieur.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurentian Archaic in the Middle Ottawa Valley</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A revision of the Laurentian Archaic Concept for the Middle Ottawa Valley is made possible using data from the Morrison and Allumettes Islands Sites. Data from Morrison Island has been published recently and it will be summarized here along with the first conclusions stemming from the preliminary analyses of the Allumettes Island site collections. It will thus be possible to discuss the analytical potential of these two sites for the understanding of the human occupation of the Middle Ottawa Valley during the Late Archaic.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bruce Jamieson</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mailhot-Curran un village iroquoien du XVI siècle, Collection Paléo-Québec 35, Recherches amérindiennes au Québec</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">219-221</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An Early Late Woodland Pottery Sequence East of Lac Saint-Pierre : Definition,Chronology and Cultural Affiliation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">What are the specific attributes of the pottery that we can assign to the Early Late Woodland Period? We will address this simple but crucial question with a brief presentation of the sites used to build the regional sequence. The chronological problem will also be discussed since most of the sites which produced these ceramics are multi-component sites. With a clear definition and a reliable spatio-temporal framework, the cultural significance of the Late Woodland pottery will be examined in order to establish its most probable ethnic affiliation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurier Turgeon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Greg Kennedy</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dominique Lalande</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Origin of The Iroquoian Rim Sherd From Île Aux Basques</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">096-101</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archéotec inc</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les peuples de la rivière. Recherches archéologiques menées dans le cadre de la construction du complexe de la Romaine</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">196-199</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saint Lawrence Valley Prehistory - the last 25 years (1975-2000)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Saint Lawrence Valley is still considered a major prehistoric highway and the last 25 years of archaeological research have confirmed its dominant position in the Northeast. Significant advances in key issues such as the peopling, the development of regional identities, the changing interaction networks, the evolution of pottery and the emergence of settled life and agriculture will be synthesized. A cursory look at the Contact Period and at the prospective of archaeology in &#039;la Belle Province&#039; will also be addressed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Claude Chapdelaine</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steve Bourget</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A New Eastern Plano site in Rimouski (DcEd-2)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Durant le mois de septembre 1992, une bréve intervention archéologique, à proximité du site Plano de Rimouski (DcEd-1) fouillé à l&#039;été 1991, a permis la mise au jour dans une section boisée d&#039;un nouveau site partiellement intact. Ce site, situé à une altitude de 86 m au-dessus du niveau de la mer et s&#039;étendant sur une forme de relief sablonneuse semblable au premier site de Rimouski, a révélé la présence d&#039;une pointe apparentée au type Sainte-Anne-des-Monts et caractéristique de la culture Plano. Aprés une bréve description du site, nous décrirons les outils et la distribution artéfactuelle. à l&#039;intérieur d&#039;un cadre local puis régional, nous examinerons finalement la signification culturelle de ce nouveau site.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nadia Charest</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christian Roy</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hélène Côté</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rêves d’Amériques: Regard sur l’archéologie de la Nouvelle France/Dreams of the Americas: Overview of New France Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">126-128</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A. Charlton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lower Fraser Prehistory: A.D. 400 - 1,250</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological research in the Lower Fraser/Gulf of Georgia region has concentrated upon the establishment of local chronologies of culture. This cultural sequence spans the last three millennia, although recent investigations (Carlson, 1970; Calvert, 1970) suggest that this may be pushed back another 1,000 to 2,000 years. A major problem in the cultural sequence has been an apparent hiatus which appeared to exist between A.D. 400 and A.D. 1250. Surface collections from a prehistoric coastal midden in the region suggested that data from the site would hopefully be able to shed some light on this developmental gap. It was with this in mind that excavations during the summer and autumn were undertaken at the Belcarra Park. On the basis of observed physical stratifaction and material culture excavated, two components (Early and Late) are recognized. Two C-14 dates show that the late component (Belcarra Park II) falls within the above mentioned hiatus. It is suggested that considerable culture change, reflected in technology, took place during this time period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A. Charlton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology in British Columbia: Problems in Procedures, Methods and Goals</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A natural gas pipeline proposal in the summer of 1974 marked the first time in a pipeline situation that archaeological values were fully addressed and considered as a separate component of the overall environmental assessment impact study. Experience on this project and others has led to a fuller understanding of the role of archaeology in pipeline and other transportation corridor situations. This paper summarizes those experiences and suggests alternative research strategies based upon a &#039;site avoidance&#039; or &#039;preventative archaeology&#039; philosophy. Problems concerned with description and evaluation of archaeology sites and mitigation procedures are also discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A. Charlton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural resource management and conservation archaeology in British Columbia: A case study</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title><tertiary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Symposium on Conservation Archaeology and Archaeological Resource Management presented at the 9th Annual Meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association, April 29–May 2, 1976 at Winnipeg, Manitoba</style></tertiary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">133-146</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Chazan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Amy Fox</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Foundations of Archaeological Practice from Northeastern North America</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2023</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">47</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">097-100</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chazan, Michael</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Chain is not a Sequence: The Temporality of the Chaîne Opératoire</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Over the last ten years the concept of the chaîne opératoire has been widely adopted by North American lithic analysts. In the process the chaîne opératoire has come to be viewed as largely synonymous with reduction sequence and an emphasis has been placed on the aspect of the chaîne opératoire that recognizes the dynamic nature of stone tool production. This emphasis on the dynamic or sequential aspects of the chaîne opératoire has come at the cost of neglecting the importance the chaîne opératoire affords to the concepts that underlie technical processes. This paper will focus on the ambiguous temporality of the chaîne opératoire . Recognizing the temporal complexity of the chaîne opératoire is an important step in understanding the implications of this concept to a holistic approach to lithic analysis that includes the knowledge and skill of the knapper.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chazan, Michael</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Research on the Early Stone Age of the Northern Cape Province, South Africa</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Early Stone Age of southern Africa encompasses over one million years of human evolution. Although there is a rich archaeological record for this time period few sites have been accurately dated or well analyzed. In 2004 in collaboration with archaeologists and geologists from South Africa and Israel I began a broad based project to date the Early Stone Age of the Northern Cape Province in South Africa. Included in this study are the sites of Riverton, Canteen Koppie, Wonderwerk Cave, and Kathu Pan I. The dating methods used include paleomagnetism, Optically Stimulated Luminescence, and Electron Spin Resonance. This paper presents an overview of the sites covered by the project and the major characteristics of the Early Stone Age of the Northern Cape Province. Of particular interest is the emergence of aspects of behavior often associated with modern humans towards the end of the Early Stone Age sequence. These behaviors include blade production, the controlled use of fire, and aspects of symbolic behavior.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Chazan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles Abbott and the Trenton Gravels Reconsidered: Late Nineteenth-Century Exploration of Human Antiquity in the Americas</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2023</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">47</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">101-129</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The refutation of Charles Abbott’s 1872 claim of having recovered Paleolithic artifacts in the Trenton Gravels is a key event in the early history of North American archaeology—with particularly important implications for the archaeology of the Northeast. This article re-examines the historical record, along with a portion of the Abbott Collection at the University of Pennsylvania Museum (Penn Museum), to argue that the case against Abbott was flawed. Thus, rather than a triumph of scientific rigour over the bumbling of an amateur, the triumph of William Henry Holmes over Abbott was more an expression of the dynamics of the emerging academic discipline of archaeology.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La réfutation de l’affirmation de Charles Abbott en 1872 selon laquelle il aurait récupéré des artefacts paléolithiques dans les graviers de Trenton est un événement clé dans l’histoire des débuts de l’archéologie nord-américaine, avec des implications particulièrement importantes pour l’archéologie du Nord-Est. Cet article réexamine les documents historiques ainsi qu’une partie de la collection Abbott du musée de l’Université de Pennsylvanie (Penn Museum) pour affirmer que le dossier contre Abbott était sans fondement. Ainsi, plutôt qu’un triomphe de la rigueur scientifique sur la maladresse d’un amateur, le triomphe de William Henry Holmes sur Abbott était plutôt une expression de la dynamique de la discipline académique émergente de l’archéologie.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chevrier, Daniel</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La période préeurocanadienne dans la région de la Grande riviére de la Baleine (Hudsonie)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les recherches archéologiques entreprises au cours des quatre derniéres années dans la région de la Grande riviére de la Baleine (Hudsonie), dans le cadre des études environnementales reliées au complexe hydroélectrique Grande-Baleine, ont permis, jusqu&#039;à maintenant, la découverte de prés de 1000 nouveaux sites regroupant plus de 3 000 structures d&#039;habitation dont 160 remontent à la période préeurocanadienne. Cette période commence vers 3 300 ans AA alors que les premiers groupes à occuper la région provenaient vraisemblablement de l&#039;est de la zone subarctique. Les manifestations subséquentes montrent l&#039;établissement d&#039;une population régionale ayant peu de liens avec d&#039;autres régions jusque vers 1500 ans AA alors que les groupes provenant du sud ont commencé à exploiter de façon irréguliére certains secteurs de la région. La période se termine il y a 250 ans (1750 AD) alors que les premiers postes de traite sont construits au lac Guillaume-Delisle et à l&#039;embouchure de la Petite riviére de la Baleine.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian S. Chisholm</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">D. Erle Nelson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An Early Human Skeleton from South Central British Columbia: Dietary Inference from Carbon Isotopic Evidence</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1983</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">085-086</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chisholm, B.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Northwest coast dietary patterns as indicated by stable carbon isotope ratios</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carbon isotope abundance ratios of protein from marine and terrestrial sources reflect the difference between carbon in oceanic and atmospheric reservoirs. This difference propagates through food chains. Measurement of carbon isotopic ratios in human bone collagen thus yields information about the relative proportions of marine and terrestrial foods in the diet. Application of these measurements to northwest coast and British Columbia interior samples has given estimates of the extent to which marine resources and anadromous salmon were utilized by aboriginal peoples during the last 5000 years. Indications are that the approach may be utilized in similar situations elsewhere in the world.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chism, James V.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recherches archéologiques et historiques à Waskaganish : le premier établissement colonial britannique au Canada</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">En 1668, un capitaine de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, accompagné d&#039;un renégat français, subventionné par de riches Anglais et suivant les conseils d&#039;un chasseur Cri, pénétre dans l&#039;embouchure de la riviére Prince Rupert. Ils érigent sur une terrasse sablonneuse, désignée parles Cris sous le nom deKaaneyaauhkaaw, ce qui deviendra le premier établissement colonial britannique au Canada: le fort Charles. Devenu plus tard la communauté crie de Waskaganish, cet endroit a connu une succession d&#039;utilisations diverses: d&#039;abord un lieu de regroupement estival cri, puis un poste de la Compagnie de la Baie d&#039;Hudson (C.B.H.), un emplacement pour l&#039;exportation des plantes médicinales, un centre de prospection miniére, un avant-poste militaire, un poste d&#039;approvisionnement de la C.B.H., un refuge pour les gens des premiéres nations, un poste français sans personnel et finalement, un dépôt régional de la C.B.H. Cet important site archéologique de la côte est de la baie James est le sujet d&#039;une recherche documentaire historique et d&#039;un inventaire archéologique limité depuis 1987.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chism, James V.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological and Historical Research at Waskaganish: Canadas First English Colonial Settlement</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1668, a New England sea captain, accompanied by a renegade Frenchman, sponsored by wealthy Englishmen and following the advise of an anonymous Cree hunter, sailed into the mouth of Prince Ruperts River. There on a sandy terrace known to the Cree as Kaaneyaauhkaaw, they estabhshed what was to become the first English colonial settlement in Canada: Charles Fort. After a long history as Cree summer gathering place, BBC fur trading settlement, export site for medicinal plants, centre for mineral prospection, military outpost, HBC provisioning post, First Nations refugium, unmanned French outpost and HBC district depot, it has become the Cree community of Waskaganish. This major site on the eastcoast of James Bay has been quietly undergoing documentary research and small-scale testing since 1987.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chism, James V.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Three Seasons at Lower Fort Garry, Manitoba</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1968</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Lower Fort Carry Archaeological Project under the Chairmanship of Dr. William J. Mayer-Oakes and direction of James V. Chism has completed three seasons of excavation. This nineteenth Century Hudson&#039;s Bay Company site near Winnipeg, Manitoba, is being excavated through a Canadian Historic Sites Service contract by the Laboratory of Anthropology, University of Manitoba. Excavations included: two large cattle barns; the ox stable; a horse stable; a troop barracks; a large L-shaped troop latrine; a large root cellar; a troop canteen; the miller&#039;s residence; the farm manager&#039;s residence; the grain flailing barn; a structure which housed a gristmill-lumber mill-metal lathe room and malting barn; the malt kiln; the distillery and brewery; the spirits and beer cellar; the fur loft basement entranceway; a cluster of small buildings which may have been an oven; smokehouse and storage shed; location of original flooring under an extant bastion; the site of a store-house; the miller&#039;s residence; a limekiln; a possible saw pit; the prison palisade; parts of a system of roadways outside the fort walls; the supposed site of the herdsman&#039;s house; the supposed site of the boat yards; the supposed site of the lime storage house and various testing operations throughout the fort. At the factor&#039;s residence excavations included an outhouse, sunken areaway, the original porch footings, basement floorings and a formal driveway.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chism, James V.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Artifacts of History, Promise or Dilettantism</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1969</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The development of artifact processing and research laboratories for the National Historic Sites Service, Ottawa, began with a policy of self-developed expertise based on the apparent shortage of qualified personnel for dealing with much of the portable material recovered from sites dating primarily from the 17th through the 19th centuries. Such a self-developmental approach requires a great deal of time and is thereby in conflict with the extant backlog of unanalyzed material. Nevertheless it would now appear to be meeting with some success in setting manageable standards of description and in supporting the Service&#039;s archaeologists. The future of this work lies with increasingly sophisticated analytical techniques coupled with much-needed field and documentary research.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chism, J.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Is there an archaeologist in the house? : degrees of fact in the analysis of habitations</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In recent years, archaeologists have been presenting a great deal of &#039;detail&#039; in conclusions rising out of their analyses of habitation units. Such attempts are sometimes said to resemble a person trying to split a hair into four quarters with an axe. Nevertheless, many would argue that this is the direction prehistoric archaeology must go if we are ever to leave the descriptive and &#039;broad framework&#039; stage of research. Examples from the Quebec subarctic discuss the form and placement of structures without postmoulds, the size of groups occupying them, the organisation of social space within and without these structures, the location of technical activities carried out by persons of each sex, the season(s) and intensity of occupation, purpose (within proposed schemes of exploitation) of occupation as well as its broader cultural affiliations and age. To date, these efforts are troubled by the application of lithic analyses based on &#039;traditional&#039; European data, or on data still insufficiently modified by experimentation. Still further, they suffer through the use of insufficiently researched or inappropriately applied ethnographic data. Published, unpublished and ongoing Quebec examples are examined in the light of existing and perhaps more appropriate data and methodologies</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tanya Chiykowski</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Understanding Trade and Exchange in Pre-hispanic Cholula, Puebla, Mexico</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lithics are an crucial component of understanding material sourcing and exchange networks in Central Mexico. This poster will address the lithic material recovered from the 2006/2007 rescue excavations completed in Cholula Mexico. Approximately 650 pieces of flakes lithic material were found. The majority of raw material was obsidian, which was tentatively sourced based on physical appearance. Analysis of ceramic material suggests the deposits date to the Post-Classic. When the results are compared to previous research, a pattern emerges showing changes in resource use over time. The length of occupation of Cholula provides an case study for how exchange patterns fluctuated depending on political relationships of neighboring city states (such as Teotihuacan).</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jiri Chlachula</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Raymond LeBlanc</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Some Artifacts-Diagnostic Criteria of Quartzite Cobble-Tool Industries from Alberta</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">20</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">061-074</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Two sets of chronologically and culturally distinct artifact assemblages from the Western Alberta Plains are compared in terms of particular stone flaking patterns exemplified on clastic rocks (quartzite cobbles) of similar structural and mechanical properties. Although recorded in specific geo-archaeological contexts - from beneath early Late Wisconsinan glacial deposits at Calgary, and within shallow, late Holocene subsurface lake deposit along the shore of Lesser Slave Lake, respectively - both lithic collections show identical culture-diagnostic stone modification attributes. Overall similarities in the raw material procurement strategies, use, and the applied cobble-tool percussion techniques suggest an analogous, expedient character of the produced artifacts. In spite of the high-energy, post-depositional glacial and glaciolacustrine environments at the deeply buried (15-25 m) Bow Valley sites, most of the recorded artifacts manifest meticulous cobble-face flaking and edge-retouching, indicating occasionally even a higher degree of flaking control than encountered in the Middle to Late Prehistoric period site on Lesser Slave Lake. Lack of obliteration of the culture-diagnostic lithic artifact attributes suggests a very good potential for preservation of early archaeological sites in Canada in areas formerly affected by glaciation.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Dans cet article nous comparons deux ensembles de collections d&amp;#39;artefacts de chronologies et de cultures distinctes et qui proviennent de la partie occidentale des plaines de l&amp;#39;Alberta occidentale. Nous comparons la taille de pierres clastiques, en l&amp;#39;occurrence, des galets de quartzite, ayant des caractéristiques structurales et mécaniques semblables. Dans un cas, les objets furent retrouvés sous des dépôts glaciaires du début du Wisconsin tardif et dans l&amp;#39;autre cas, les objets proviennent de couches lacustres enfouies sous les berges du Petit lac des Esclaves et remontant à la fin de l&amp;#39;Holocène. Même si ces deux ensembles proviennent de contextes géo-archéologiques différents, leurs attributs culturels sont identiques. C&amp;#39;est-à-dire que les stratégies d&amp;#39;acquisition de matières premières lithiques, l&amp;#39;utilisation des outils, et l&amp;#39;emploi de techniques de percussion directe avec galet sont semblables. Les collections de la rivière Bow sont enfouies à une profondeur de 15 à 25 mètres. Et, même si cet emplacement a connu des événements importants reliés au mouvement de glaciers, les artefacts témoignent toujours d&amp;#39;une taille et d&amp;#39;une retouche méticuleuse. La qualité de la taille et de la retouche est même supérieure à celle des assemblages de la périod Préhistorique moyenne et récente provenant du Petit lac des Esclaves. La présence de ces attributs culturels pointerait à une forte possibilité de retrouver des objets anciens bien conservés dans les régions préalablement sous les glaces de l&amp;#39;Inlandsis.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jiri Chlachula</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pre-Palaeoindian Occupation in the Calgary Area</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Evidence from geo-archaeological investigations will be provided to suggest two episodes of an early prehistoric occupation in the upper Bow River valley, SW Alberta during the late Mid- to early Late Wisconsinan. The cultural record from two deeply buried sites in the northwestern part of the city of Calgary, referred to as Site 1 (Varsity Estates) and Site 2 (Silver Springs), consists of pebble and flake artifact assemblages produced exclusively from local clastic raw materials, and manifesting general technological and typological similarities with Late Pleistocene Palaeolithic stone industries from northeastern Eurasia. The contextual data and the patterned cultural evidence explicitly document ice-free conditions in this part of southwestern Alberta prior and shortly after onset of the last glacial period. The archaeological record from the Calgary sites implies the presence of people in Western Canada prior to the last (Late Wisconsin) Laurentide glaciation, thus negating the necessity for an &#039;Ice-free Corridor,&#039; traditionally viewed as the decisive timing factor of the initial peopling of North America south of the continental ice-sheet. Moreover, it is argued that the New World Palaeolithic inhabitants were physically and culturally capable of coping with cold cIimatic conditions in periglacial enviromnents.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Wayne Choquette</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Libby Reservoir - Preliminary Findings</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Analysis of the excavated data from DhPt-9 (The Waldo site) has revealed a dynamic pattern of occupation. Intersite distribution of faunal remains, artifacts, and lithic types indicates an occupational focus during the latest prehistoric inhabitation. Correlations with locational, technological, and subsistence data obtained from survey of other sites in the Canadian Libby Reservoir area are examined, and a hypothetical reconstruction of later Libby Reservoir area prehistory is offered.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Choquette, W.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Small sites and predator-prey relationships in the Kootenay region</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Kootenay region of southeastern British Columbia, northwestern Montana, and northern Idaho displays great environmental diversity in which small sites are a typical archaeological manifestation. Interpretation of data from individual sites by themselves is often difficult because of sparse cultural deposits. However, if the sites are considered as activity areas within larger environmentally defined units, hypotheses can be generated which will allow for efficient and meaningful data retrieval from individual sites if their excavation is necessary. In this paper, site patterning in three distinct econiches is interpreted utilizing prey species ecology and ethnographic data. Site density, spatial relationships, and functional complexity are hypothesized to be strongly related to whether moose, deer, or bison were the prey.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Wayne Choquette</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Applied Archaeology in the Kootenay Region, British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The upper Columbia drainage is characterized by great topographic and biotic diversity and has seen significant changes in hydrology and ecology since deglaciation. The conventional cultural historic interpretive framework of phases based on diagnostic formed tools has not been useful in revealing the complexity of past human activities in the region because of the relatively ephemeral nature of most archaeological sites and the resultant small samples. A different approach has been developed to allow the data from this unique bioregion speak for itself. Emphasis has been placed on the palaeoenvironmental context of archaeological remains, especially site geomorphology and stratigraphy while lithic typology and technological attributes have been accorded primary analytic status. Data synthesis utilizes a systemic framework of archaeological trait &#039;complexes&#039; of settlement pattern (represented by landform, palaeohydrology and soil/sediment association), lithic material preference, lithic technology, subsistence base, features and tool function. Ten such complexes have been defined so far spanning the entire postglacial period. These complexes are interpreted as models of past human land and resource use from which hypotheses pertaining to past human activities can be drawn to predict site distributions and contents. In the context of cultural resource management, these models and hypotheses have been operationalized as air photo-mapped GIS-based polygons of archaeological potential that identify locations to be avoided by land-altering development or where archaeological impact assessments would be required. Results of AIAs serve to test the models and hypotheses via attributes recorded in the database associated with each polygon. In addition to allowing for scientific archaeological research to be carried out within the context of CRM, this approach reveals much about the evolution of the region&#039;s landscape and ecology that is of considerable importance in sustainable land and resource management. Examples include terrain stability and floodplain hazard assessment, wildlife population dynamics and range extensions, and the nature of certain plant communities with regard to conservation and revegetation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Wayne Choquette</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Applications of a Systemic Approach to Hunter-Gatherer Archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Combining palaeoecology with systems theory has proved to be a productive approach to understanding the archaeology of the upper Columbia River drainage area. The traditional unilinear paradigm based on diagnostic artifacts has not been very useful in dealing with the small scattered assemblages that are most typical of this region. It is argued that the systemic approach also yields more relevant information with broader applications to present-day concerns.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Pierre Chrestien</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les grés-cérames français en Nouvelle-France</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cette communication vise à présenter et à expliquer une carte de distribution des sites archéologiques canadiens sur lesquels furent trouvées des poteries de grés français. Si l&#039;on exclut les grés-cérames mis au jour sur les sites des habitations de Champlain à Sainte-Croix et Québec, les grés français sont surtout présents sur des sites du dix-huitiéme siécle associés à la pêche à la morue et à la chasse aux mammiféres marins. Plus de 25 sites, dont Louisbourg et Brador, qui en comptent un nombre considérable, nous apportent des éléments d&#039;explication de la présence de ces poteries en Nouvelle-France. Les grés normands sont généralement les plus nombreux. Ce sont des contenants commerciaux servant à conserver et transporter des salaisons et des préparations d&#039;apothicaires destinées surtout aux pêcheurs et aux habitants de Terre-Neuve, du Labrador, de l&#039;île du Cap Breton et de l&#039;Acadie.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chrétien, Yves</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Meadowood Mortuary Site in the Quebec City Area</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Lambert Site is located on the periphery of the principle area of distribution of Meadowood. sites. It presents several characteristics which suggest that its occupants were full participants in the Meadowood cultural sphere. A substantial concentration of cache blades in Onondaga chert (approximately 180) were discovered in association with a cremation burial. This feature is typical of Meadowood funerary ritual. Other Meadowood artifacts, such as side-notched projectile points, bifacial triangular scrapers, Vinette 1 pottery and a steatite vase were also found during excavations. A radiocarbon date of 950 BC ±60 (non calibrated) was obtained from a hearth. This early Meadowood presence outside of the principal distribution area for this culture permis us to formulate some hypotheses regarding the expansion of Meadowood culture in the Saint Lawrence Valley.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CHRISTENSEN, T</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The early Holocene in Gwaii Haanas: 4,000 years of technology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The recent excavation of four raised beach sites in Gwaii Haanas, Haida Gwaii produced a large assemblage of lithic tools and debitage dating to between 5000 and 9300 years ago. This new, well-dated data set allows for a more diachronically extensive and culturally detailed interpretation of the human history of Haida Gwaii. This paper will discuss the interaction between these early cultures and their environment as reflected in their tool kits, their preferred manufacturing techniques, and their lithic waste, with the intent of commenting on cultural stability and change in the Early Period/Moresby Tradition of Haida Gwaii.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christianson, David J.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tim Bernard</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bob Ogilvie</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Leah Rosenmeier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Towards a Management Plan for the Debert and Belmont Archaeological Sites</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Confederacy of Mainland Mi&#039;kmaq and the Heritage Division of the Nova Scotia Department of Tourism, Culture and Heritage are jointly working towards the development of a management plan for the Debert and Belmont archaeological sites. An interim strategic plan has been developed that reflects a set of guiding principles that recognizes the crucial significance of these archaeological sites to contemporary Mi&#039;kmaq and the scientific values inherent in the preservation of these resources. The strategic plan outlines three strategic goals that will promote preservation of the sites while encouraging appropriate excavation and study. The research component of the work will define the regional area of interest and the levels of archaeological assessment in areas of related potential.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Church, Karen</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Captain Gold</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Management by the Council of the Haida Nation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">We present a summary of what the Council of the Haida Nation has done to protect our Archaeological sites in the forest, the role of Ministry of Sustainable Resource Management and Ministry of Forests in protection of those sites. The Ministry of Sustainable Resource Management has noted to us that they lack the funds to consult with us on site, we present why this is unacceptable on the basis of:1. The Archaeological Forest Buffers for sites are one of the key points of our Archaeology Policies,2. Protection of sites as living evidence of the ancestors&#039; use and occupancy of the land. To be able to walk where the ancestors walked and to experience the forest in a similar way as pre-contact people who acknowledged the spirit of the forest in everything they did there. These people are called the forest people; we give references to them from Haida stories,3. We give example of Timber Licensees who prefer to work against the First Nations rather than with us towards common goals and the result of,4. Recent Timber Farm License 39 Appeal ruling, which will help on the protection of cultural values in forests.How do we overcome licensees who refuse to work with us in a positive way, to protect our sites?</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Churchill, Elizabeth</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anne English</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Ceramic Figurines of The Karaja Indians: A Case Study in Stylistic Interpretation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Karaja Indians of Brazil have manufactured figurines for the tourist market since the late 1950s. Drawing on earlier traditional contexts of artistic production, the figurines are now produced almost exclusively for the tourist market. This paper traces the shifting meanings associated with Karaja figurines, the impact of cultural brokerage in production and on traditional knowledge systems and the general processes associated with the commodification of this unique form of cultural expression. The implications for stylistic interpretation form the basis for the conclusions to this paper.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nicolas Rolland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beringian Paradoxes, Bottlenecks and Cul-de-sacs</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ever since Jose de Acosta pondered the issue, 400 years ago, it has been evident to most serious students that the geographical point of contiguity between Northeast Asia and Northwest North America had to have been the « passage obligé » for the initial colonisation of the New World. But ever since this « gateway » has become known and studied under the label of Beringia, it has also been clear that its eastern reaches corresponded, in fact, paradoxically, and this for many millennia of the Upper and Final Pleistocene, to a large bio-geographical cul-de-sac, cut off by Laurentide and Cordilleran glacial ice from the more southern American continental regions. and actually corresponding to the easternmost extension of the vast Eurasian Mammoth Steppe Biome. Focusing on this and a variety other Beringian research paradoxes, and with special attention given to the pertinent questions of chronological and geographical scales, this paper will show that any productive investigation of prehistoric Beringian human bio-geography, at least with regards to its earliest moments, must view the latter as a very Far Eastern component of a complex series of interactive northern Eurasian adaptation processes whose roots can probably be traced back to the Middle-to-Upper Palaeolithic transition of Northern Asia and, by extension, to vast segments of Northern Eurasia.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>5</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">C. Richard Harington</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">D. Erle Nelson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard S. MacNeish</style></author></authors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Luc Pilon</style></author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Engigstciak Revisited: A Note on Early Holocene AMS Dates from the &#039;Buffalo Pit&#039;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAA Occasional Paper No. 1</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33-44</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Three (accelerator mass spectrometry - AMS) 14C dates on butchered bison bones, together with other available lines of evidence from the lower stratigraphic units of the &#039;Buffalo Pit &#039;, at Engigstciak, on the Firth River, northern Yukon, converge to support the notion that a form of bison procurement was being implemented by hunters along portions of the Yukon Coastal Plain between 9 800 and 9 400 B.P., i.e., in early Holocene times. These data allow us to stress the importance of the site in our understanding of cultural history in this region and to contemplate the possibility of investigating further poorly known aspects of cultural adaptive systems in a northwestern Arctic environment shortly after the end of the late glacial.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard E. Morlan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nicolas Rolland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Filtering the Bathwater: A Re-Examination of Eastern Beringian, Late Pleistocene Bone Technology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Received by many North American archaeologists with a sigh of relief, the news, in the mid 80&#039;s, of the chronological demise of the &#039; now infamous &#039; Old Crow flesher led to the rather uncritical dismissal – through guilt by association – of a vast body of admittedly controversial evidence that, at the time, was being interpreted by some as indicative of a human presence in easternmost Beringia prior to the Upper Wisconsinan Pleniglacial, and perhaps even earlier. Following a review of how the Old Crow &#039; bone technology controversy &#039; came about and unfolded, and in the light of recent and ongoing studies carried out elsewhere in Eastern Beringia (Bluefish Caves), as well as in various areas of Eurasia and North America, it is argued that the &#039; dismissal &#039; was premature and that there were indeed people living at the easternmost edge of the Mammoth Steppe Biome as early as 40,000 years ago. It will be further argued that this evidence must be taken into consideration if we are ever to achieve an anthropologically valid and a scientifically serious appreciation of what must have been a series of complex human dispersal processes led to the initial colonisation of the New World, and that can be traced back to the Middle-to-Upper Palaeolithic Transition of Eurasia and beyond.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Research Programme on the Prehistory and Paleo-ecology of Northern Yukon</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper will consist of a summary of the Northern Yukon Research Progrmme&#039;s approach to the study of aboriginal man&#039;s adaptation to the Late Pleistocene and recent eastern Beringian space. Some of the information (primarily archaeological) gathered in the course of this first year of the programme is disucssed together with a number of emerging avenues of research.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>5</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Luc Pilon</style></author></authors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Luc Pilon</style></author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The NOGAP Archaeology Project: A Brief Introduction</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAA Occasional Paper No. 1</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1-5</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ruth GOTTHARDT</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Extending the geographical and implicative ranges of the Nenana Complex. Notes on recent finds from Poulton Station, north-western Ogilvie Mountains</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Located in a rather inaccessible and isolated corner of the Ogilvie Mountains, the Poulton Station site, named after its discoverer, was first located in 1978 and tentatively identified at the time as an extensive chert quarry site, the first of its kind ever found in northern Yukon. In the summer of 1998, a brief re-examination of the site was carried out for the purpose of clarifying this hypothesised «quarry » status, and determining whether or not it was in need of further investigation. In this paper we shall present some of the results of this brief visit, with emphasis on the discovery at the site of a series of lithic elements that are technologically diagnostic of the Late Pleistocene Nenana Complex. Dating back to the early half of the 11th millennium BP, and defined on the basis of assemblages recovered primarily from South Central Alaska, the latter has been viewed by many, over the last few years, as representing the best dated and most archaeologically coherent demonstration of the « earliest » human presence in eastern Beringia, as well as the best and only Beringian link in the Palaeoindian continuum that led to the emergence of Clovis. The discovery of a similar type of manifestation in the north-western Ogilvie Mountains, about 400 kilometres from its eponymous area, together with evidence from other northern Yukon sites, provides us with the means to attempt a critical reassessment of this overly simplistic, Alaska-centred model, and this especially with respect to some of its bio-geographical, chronological, and palaeoenvironmental premises.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1974 B.C.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The paper will deal with some aspects of so-called &#039;archaeological resource management&#039; in relation to one&#039;s perception of archaeological research needs (with special emphasis on the non-urban or a-metropolitan spaces of the northwest).</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A propos de la signification archéologique d&#039;un matériau découvert dans la region de la rivière Keele (T.N.0.)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">5</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-025</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Easternmost Beringian Research: A Visual Chronicle Spanning Over Three Decades</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Being a moderately biased and visually enhanced introductory presentation of some of the most important research projects undertaken, over the last 30-40 years, in the Yukon portion of Eastern Beringia. Emphasis will be placed on the interdisciplinary nature of such activities as well as on the impact some of these studies have had and continue to have on the larger Beringian scene, and beyond.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistoric exploitation and dispersion of a &#039;welded tuff&#039; found in the Keele (Gravel)River area, N.W.T.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The recent find of a geological outcrop as well as the increasing amount of archaeological information available from the Middle Mackenzie Valley have made possible a presentation of a number of macroscopic attributes of what is tentatively called &#039;welded tuff&#039;, together with a discussion of its possible origin, geological occurrence and archaeological dispersion. This peculiar raw material seems to have been obtained from a relatively restricted area, north of the Keele (Gravel) River, along the Mackenzie Mountains. Its archaeological distribution pattern is indicative of widespread trade, reaching as far as the Crow Flats in northern Yukon, Dismal Lake to the northeast of Great Bear Lake, etc. The cultural context suggests an age in excess of 8,50O years for the earliest archaeological occurrence. Finally, it&#039;s utilisation lasted, in some areas of the Mackenzie Valley, up until late prehistoric time.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">INTEGRATING ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH AND MANAGEMENT. A UTOPIAN QUEST?</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Using current examples of regional archaeological resource management efforts on the part of various government agencies, this paper attempts: (1) to present a synthetic review of both research and management requirements; (2) to identify (if any) points or nodes of complementarity, overlap or contradiction between such requirements; (3) to delineate the basic constituents of what might be an integrative research and management approach; and, finally, (4), to arrive to a realistic answer to the question posed in the title.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bluefish Cave I: A Late Pleistocene Eastern Beringian Cave Deposit in the North Yukon</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-032</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper describes some of the preliminary results of a test excavation carried out at the Bluefish Caves site (northern Yukon Territory) during the summer of 1978. The data at hand allow us to suggest that the site was utilized by human groups at the end of the Pleistocene, between 13,000 and 10,000 B.P. The deposit is viewed as important mainly because of the primary (or nearly so) context of its constituants (lithic specimens, Pleistocene faunal elements, etc.) which is a rather unique situation for sites of that age in the boreal Cordillera.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cet article décrit certains des résultats préliminaires d&amp;#39;un sondage effectué en 1978, au site des Grottes du Poisson-Bleu (Yukon septentrional). Les données recueillies nous permettent de suggérer que le site a été utilisé par des groupes préhistoriques à la toute fin du Pléistocène, entre 13,000 et 10,000 B.P. L&amp;#39;importance du site tient beaucoup au fait que le matériel qu&amp;#39;on y trouve (pièces lithiques, éléments de faune Pléistocène, etc.) est peu ou pas remanié. Situation unique pour les gisements de cet &amp;rsquo;ge dans la vaste région de la Cordillère boréale.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>5</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Compiled By Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Luc Pilon</style></author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Appendix I: NOGAP AMS Dates</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAA Occasional Paper No. 1</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">149-154</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural resource management and its relationships to archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Using a number of examples drawn from the Canadian scene as well as from selected foreign contexts, we will attempt an examination of various conflicting trends that can be taken as symptomatic of a growing series of malaises and contradictions identifiable at many levels of Canadian archaeology (sensu lato). More specifically, we will scrutinize and discuss the integrative mechanisms that are believed to underlie the current practice of archaeology.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beringian Expectations: Noveau Regard on an Ancient Bone Technology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Following a synthetic overview of the Bluefish Caves evidence, this paper will focus on the particular set of data that pertains to the presence of human population in easternmost Beringia during the late Wisconsinan/Full Glacial. More specifically relating to matters of bone technology, it will be examined with emphasis on the rapport that can be shown to exist between it and that which has been postulated by various workers, a few years ago, for Old Crow Flats. Discussion will be directed at demonstrating that a full appreciation of the significance of this Beringian technology is best achieved by viewing it in the context of a highly variable and very ancient palaeolithic, inter-hemisphere, and time-transgressive technological continuum.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig N. Cipolla</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Situating Copper Crescents</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">077-092</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This report considers copper crescent-shaped objects from Ontario, contextualizing them within broader archaeological discussions of the Old Copper Complex. I focus on a small assemblage of antiquarian-collected crescents from the Royal Ontario Museum. A literature review comprises the bulk of this report; crescents recovered from sites located in the center of the Old Copper Complex, in current-day Wisconsin and Michigan, help to situate examples in the antiquarian collection. I discuss crescents in terms of their chronological and geographic breadth, their formal variation, and the different depositional contexts in which they are found. Three examples from the antiquarian collection represent novel forms of copper crescent that are not represented in the accepted typology. Two of these, collected approximately 1,600&amp;nbsp;km apart from one another, closely resemble stone and copper ulu knives, each with a unique copper handle that once bore a haft. By situating this particular collection within broader discussions of native copper, this report demonstrates the continued importance of thinking through poorly-contextualized archaeological collections while remembering the limitations of rigid, typological thinking.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Ce rapport observe et contextualise des croissants de cuivre provenant d’Ontario au sein de plus larges discussions sur l’ancien complexe du cuivre. Je me concentre sur un petit assemblage de croissants acquis par des collectionneurs-antiquaires et conservés au Musée Royal de l’Ontario. Une revue de littérature compose l’essentiel de ce rapport; des croissants de cuivre recueillis sur des sites situés au centre de l’ancien complexe du cuivre, dans le Wisconsin et le Michigan actuels, aident à situer les exemples provenant de la collection d’antiquaires. Je discute des croissants en fonction de leur étendue chronologique et géographique, des variations de leur forme, et de leurs différents contextes de dépôt. Trois croissants de cuivre de la collection d’antiquaires représentent de nouvelles formes qui ne sont pas représentées dans la typologie acceptée. Deux de ceux-ci, trouvés à plus de 1,600 kilomètres de distance l’un de l’autre, ressemblent de près aux ulus de pierre et de cuivre et ont chacun une poignée en cuivre unique, autrefois emmanchée. En situant cette collection particulière à l’intérieur de plus larges conversations portant sur le cuivre natif, ce rapport démontre l’importance continue de réfléchir aux collections archéologiques qui sont peu contextualisées tout en considérant les limites d’une pensée typologique rigide.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A. McFadyen Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Athabaskan-Eskimo Interface</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title><tertiary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Symposium on Northern Athabaskan Prehistory</style></tertiary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1970</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">013-023</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CLARK, Terry</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistoric Culture Change on Southern Vancouver Island: The Applicability of Current Models of the Marpole Transition</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper examines the archaeological expression of the Locarno Beach - Marpole transition on Southern Vancouver Island. A total of nineteen sites dating between 2600 - 2000 years BP will be studied and compared to existing explanations of the Locarno Beach - Marpole transition. Multidimensional scaling will be used to show the relationship of Southern Vancouver Island archaeological sites during the Marpole transition to other contemporaneous Gulf of Georgia sites. Information collected will be viewed with the backdrop of the differential rise of sociocultural complexity on the Northwest Coast.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Microblade Production Station (KbTx–2) In The South Central Yukon</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">003-023</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Two areas of microblades and cores were excavated at the KbTx-2 site, located near Carmacks, Yukon, in 1983 and 1990. Each of the nearly contiguous microblade and core clusters is interpreted as representing the work area of a single or a small group of chert knappers and each area may represent a brief moment, during two camping episodes. Persons of the same, small Subarctic group may be responsible for both areas, but the two loci evidently are not coeval. KhTx-2 is not dated. The microblade cores are of the Campus or Denali type, which in Alaska occur through a broad time span extending from 10,700 to about 1500 years ago. In addition to the microblade industry, a few implements, including burins, were recovered.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;En 1983 et 1990 la fouille du site KTx-2, situé près de Carmacks, au Yukon, a révélé deux aires contenant des microlames et des nuclei. Ces deux concentrations, spatialement proches l&amp;#39;une de l&amp;#39;autre, peuvent représenter des activités de taille de courte durée d&amp;#39;un seul tailleur ou d&amp;#39;un petit groupe d&amp;#39;artisans. Sans être contemporains, les deux loci peuvent être le résultat de deux moments d&amp;#39;occupation par un même petit groupe du Subarctique. Le site n&amp;#39;a pas été daté. Cependant, les nuclei sont du type Campus ou Denali, type pouvant s&amp;#39;échelonner en Alaska de 10 700 à 1 500 ans avant aujourd&amp;#39;hui. En plus des microlames, le site a également fourni d&amp;#39;autres types d&amp;#39;outils dont des burins.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Richard E. Morlan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Western Subarctic Prehistory: Twenty Years Later</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1982</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">6</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">079-093</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terence Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Environmental Determinism or Cultural Response?: The Role of Earthquakes in Shaping Gulf of Georgia Culture History</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Northwest Coast of North America saw the development of numerous prehistoric complex hunter gatherer groups. This area is also one of the most geologically active areas on the continent. This paper looks to tie the development of culture history to the complex geological history of periodic large scale earthquakes. As the most studied and best understood region of the Northwest Coast, the Gulf of Georgia will serve as an illustrative example of the role of earthquakes in shaping culture change. Seismic events have been discussed in archaeological contexts (Hayden and Ryder 1991, Hutchinson and McMillan 1998, McMillan and Hutchinson 2002) but have not, as of yet, been tied to archaeological theory to create an explanation of culture change. Using extant theory of complex hunter-gatherers this paper will provide a mechanism to link rapid environmental change to rapid cultural change. The timing and magnitude of earthquakes can have significant short- and long-term effects on the environment and those living in it (see Hutchinson and McMillan 1997, Clark 2000 for a discussion). This paper will examine two such events where the cultural response differed dramatically and the resultant culture change went in entirely opposite directions.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terence Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Integrative Archaeology: A New Method for Complex Data</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper will introduce Integrative Archaeology. Integrative Archaeology uses Integrative Distance Analysis (IDA) to explore complex relationships across data classes. IDA uses Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and a series multivariate statistics to view data in much more comprehensive way that previously possible. The utility of Integrative Archaeology will be demonstrated in several North American case studies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Is There a Northern Cordilleran Tradition?</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1983</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">023-048</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;An early northwestern subarctic tradition is proposed to account for occupation preceding the Paleo-Arctic tradition (appearance of microblades). This northern Cordilleran tradition, based in part on MacNeish&amp;#39;s Cordilleran tradition, also co-existed with the Paleo-Arctic in areas east of the latter and to some extent elsewhere in a geographical mosaic. This article first focuses on early components, in the estimated and postulated 12,000 to 10,000 year age range, which are characterized by bifaced projectile points including fluted points. The northern Cordilleran later takes into account assemblages which are poorly explained in terms of the Paleo-Arctic and Northern Archaic traditions and for which a Plains origin, implied by attribution to the Plano tradition, may be erroneous. The encompassing thesis of this article is that northern interior prehistory is more complex than is suggested by its present organization into major tradition con- structs. Proposals made here thus are not asserted to be ultimate historical reality but are offered in a tradition of discussion and reassessment of data.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nous proposons d&#039;expliquer, par une ancienne tradition subarctique du Nord-Ouest, l&#039;occupation qui a précédé la tradition paléo-arctique (apparition de microlames). Cette tradition, de type cordillérien, basée en partie sur la tradition cordillérienne de MacNeish, aurait également coexisté avec le paléo-arctique dans les régions situées à l&#039;est de celui-ci et, dans une certaine mesure, ailleurs, constituant une mosaÔque géographique. Cet article porte surtout sur les anciens composants, qui selon nos estimations seraient vieux de 12 000 à 10 000 ans et qui sont caractérisés par des pointes de projectiles bifaces et notamment des pointes cannelées. La tradition proposée expliquerait ensuite les ensembles dont les traditions paléo-arctique et archaÔque du Nord ne suffisent pas à rendre compte, et dont on aurait peut-être tort de situer l&#039;origine dans les Plaines en les attribuant à la tradition Plano. Dans l&#039;ensemble, cet article vise à démontrer que la préhistoire intérieure du Nord est plus complexe que ne le laisse croire sa répartition actuelle en trois grands modèles de traditions seulement. Les explications proprosées ne prétendent pas être le dernier mot sur la réalité historique, mais s&#039;inscrivent dans une discussion et une réévaluation traditionnelles des données sur la préhistoire.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CLARK, Terry</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Development of the Northwest Coast Ethnographic Pattern: The Marpole Culture Type Re-examined</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents the results of research on the Locarno Beach to Marpole transition within the Gulf of Georgia region of the Northwest Coast. The Marpole culture type has been implicated as the time period when the Northwest Coast ethnographic patterns of status inequality, co-operative housing, intensive salmon storage and resource ownership are thought to develop. This paper discusses these processes as they pertain to the archaeological record and challenges some key concepts relating to the rise of sociocultural complexity on the Northwest Coast.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terence Clark</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anna Marie Prentiss</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian Kuijt</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">People of the Middle Fraser Canyon: An Archaeological History</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2015</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">39</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">142-144</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">After British Mountain: An Appreciation of the Engigstciak Site</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Although the Engigstciak site of northernmost Yukon territory, excavated 20 years ago, is best known for its purported early British Mountain phase, other collections from the site, particularly the Arctic Small Tool tradition and paleo-Eskimo components, which never have been fully described, potentially are among the most significant material recovered from the North American Arctic. Geographic parameters, together with the known early distribution of Eskimos, place this site at a determining position in a corridor between Alaska and the remainder of the Arctic area. In contrast to regions farther west and east, this corridor is an area of little latitudinal (insular-coastal-inland) depth possessing compressed ecological zones. Thus, it is aptly suited for examination under a migration hypothesis. The present paper is a progress report on a re-examination of collections from the Engigstciak site.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brenda Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Lake Site (KkHh-2), Southampton Island, N.W.T. and Its Position in Sadlermiut Prehistory</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1980</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">053-081</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Lake Site is a single component site on Southampton Island, N.W.T. occupied within the 14th to 16th centuries A.D. and representing a transitional phase of the Thule culture. Based on the evidence from this and other sites of the Neo-Eskimo period on Southampton Island, an hypothesis is offered to the effect that the material culture of the Thule population of Southampton Island was directly or indirectly influenced by the Dorset culture so that local Thule development rapidly took on a distinctive flavour. The Sadlermiut culture subsequently originated from a Thule population not unlike that represented at the Lake Site.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Le site Lake, sur l&#039;île Southampton, Territoires du Nord-Ouest, expose une seule occupation correspondant à une période de transition de la culture thuléenne entre les XIVe et le XVIe siècles de notre ère. L&#039;étude de ce site et de divers autres sites de la période Néoesquimau sur l&#039;île Southampton nous permet de poser l&#039;hypothèse selon laquelle la culture matérielle de la population thuléenne de cette île, aurait été directement ou indirectement influencée par la culture dorsétienne, ce qui rendrait compte du développement rapide de l&#039;originalité thuléenne locale. La culture des Sadlermiut, plus tardive, aurait son origine dans une population thuléenne qui serait semblable à celle qui a laissé les traces de son existence au site Lake.</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Microblade-Culture Systematics in Far Northwestern Canada</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1954 R.S. MacNeish defined a Northwest Microblade tradition based mainly on material from the western District of Mackenzie, and in 1967 F.H. West defined a microblade using Denali complex based on material from Alaska. In his definition MacNeish stressed the presence of notched points, and his samples had few wedge-shaped microblade cores and notched transverse burins which are key elements of the Denali complex. Therefore West found the need for a new taxon. Subsequently wedge-shaped Denali (Campus) microblade cores have been found to be abundant in the Yukon and adjacent areas. And in Alaska there are notched points in a so-called Late Denali. With due allowance for regional and temporal variation, the two constructs describe a single entity. The Northwest Microblade tradition takes precedence.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Clark, D.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terrain and Caribou Entrapments at Great Bear Lake</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Traces of several short caribou fences were observed at Great Bear Lake in 1979. The apparent mode of construction seen in these vestiges is described. Of greater interest than construction details, however, are the fence layouts which not only capitalize on the presence of various terrain features but actually incorporate terrain elements into the animal entrapments or to extend their effective length. This frequently entails linking fence construction with small gorges. Speculations are offered on the possible functioning of these entrapments.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistory of the western Subarctic</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1975</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">76-95</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Koyukon Athapascan Houses as Seen Through the Eyes of Informants and Through Archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1969</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The construction of protohistoric or early historic winter houses is revealed by excavations at three sites on tributaries of the Koyukuk River. These semi-subterranean houses had been occupied by members of a Koyukuk branch of the Koyukon Indians of north-central Alaska. Parallel and supplementary ethnographic descriptions of this type of winter house, which generally has not been occupied since approximately 1900, were obtained at Allakaket in 1961 and 1968 by A. McFadyen and D. Clark. The nature and distribution of the contents of the houses, such as faunal remains, dog feces, and hide scrapers, also are discussed on the basis of the archaeological finds and from information supplied by native informants. It is concluded that, although the archaeological and ethnographic approaches complement each other for some elements of the complex discussed, the description of the houses would stand as reasonably accurate even if it had been obtained from informants alone.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dumond</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology on the Alaska Peninsula: The Coast of Shelikof Strait, 1963–1965 (Clark); Archaeology on the Alaska Peninsula: The Ugashik Drainage, 1973–1975 (Henn); and Archaeology on the Alaska Peninsula: The Naknek Region, 1960–1975</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1983</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">093-104</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald E. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Highlights of archaeological surveys in northern interior District of Mackenzie, N. W. T.</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1974</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">6</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">048-091</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dusting-Off the British Mountain Component at Engigstciak</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">British Mountain has been the subject of both optimism for possible great antiquity as a station on the route between continents and derision for its foundation on the basis of MacNeish&#039;s enthusiastic reception of some artifacts from a muck layer. It has been redefined by people trying to see it as real, but not real ancient. With the advantage of having the collection at hand at The Canadian Museum of Civilization, along with the provenience catalogues, tried to solve the enigma (controversy) of British Mountain is on the basis of (a) its stratigraphic context at the Engigstciak site, (b) assemblage characterization, (c) artifact and faunal fragment refits, (d) associated fauna and pollen, (e) purity or discreteness of the assemblage, (f) lithology compared with that of other Engigstciak assemblages, and (g) radiocarbon dating. The results are interesting, instructive and revealing and succeed in making British Mountain all the more enigmatic.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald W. Clark</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Relationships of North Pacific and American Arctic Centres of Slate Grinding</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1980</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">027-038</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;A number of centres or areas characterized by ground slate industries are examined for possible derivation from a few original centres. It is found that where relationships might be expected on the basis of proximity or age there often are disjunctures in time, space or techniques that fail to support derived origins. It is concluded that regional innovation has led to the development of several essentially independent ground slate industries. Presently no direct links are seen between West Coast, south Alaskan, Bering Strait, Asian Maritime Territory, early Dorset, and Northeastern U.S./Atlantic Provinces distributions though in a few instances stimulus may be suspected.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L&#039;auteur étudie un certain nombre de centres ou de régions caractérisés par des industries d&#039;ardoise polie afin de déterminer si celles-ci ne dérivent pas d&#039;industries qui se seraient développées à l&#039;origine dans seulement un petit nombre de centres. Il a découvert que, dans les cas où l&#039;on peut établir des relations fondées sur la proximité ou l&#039;’ge, il y a souvent des discordances en ce qui concerne l&#039;époque, l&#039;espace ou les techniques qui ne confirment pas cette origine par dérivation. L&#039;auteur en conclut que les initiatives régionales ont conduit au développement de plusieurs industries d&#039;ardoise polie essentiellement indépendantes. ¿ l&#039;heure actuelle, on ne peut trouver aucun lien direct entre les répartitions de la Côte Ouest, du Sud de l&#039;Alaska, du détroit de Béring, du Territoire maritime asiatique, du Dorsétien inférieur, et du Nord-Est des _.-U./Provinces de l&#039;Atlantique bien qu&#039;en certains cas, ou puisse penser à une certaine stimulation.</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Terence Clark</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Genevieve Hill</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kristina Bowie</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Old Songhees Reserve (DcRu-25): A Newly Discovered Northwest Coast Wetsite</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent recovery of organic material from the Old Songhees Reserve (DcRu-25) in Victoria, British Columbia has shed light on a dynamic period of human occupation. Dating to the European contact period, an interesting assemblage of prehistoric, ethnographic and historic items was unearthed. Notably this assemblage includes basketry, wooden fish hooks, a bentwood box, and one of the largest collections of leather shoes recovered from a North American wetsite. Analysis of the ethnographic artifacts depicts a rich story of the cosmopolitan life near Fort Victoria in the late 19th century. Less than 20 archaeological wetsites have been excavated from the entire Northwest Coast and this is the only one from the European contact period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Clarke, Grant</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Hartley site (FaNp-19): A Late Plains Period Habitation Site in South Central Saskatchewan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Hartley site (FaNp-9) is a Late Plains Period habitation site located immediately south of Saskatoon and has been home to the University of Saskatchewan&#039;s archaeological field school for the past five years. The site bas two main occupations that are separated both vertically and horizontally across the site. Field school excavations have been concentrated in a small grove of trees that contains an intact single component which has produced materials of both the Old Women&#039;a and the Avonlea phases. This assemblage may in fact represent a winter co-occupation of the site by peoples of two cultural backgrounds. The faunal assemblage, while dominated by bison, includes several other species of mammals, as well as some birds and fish. This assemblage is, therefore, very diverse and is quite well preserved. This paper will focus on the wide variety of faunal remains and their importance to the interpretation of this site as well as discuss this site&#039;s role in the broader Plains subsistence strategy of this period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Clarke, Grant</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian Ronaghan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Early Prehistoric Use of a Flood Scoured Landscape in Northeastern Alberta</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Golder Associates Ltd. is currently undertaking a multi-stage mitigation program associated with development of the Muskeg River Mine, north of Fort McMurray. The program represents efforts to recover information from a relatively unique distribution of Early and Middle Prehistoric Period sites. This distribution is directly related to a landscape formed in the wake of a glacial lake outwash event that occurred approximately 9,700 years ago. Linear elevated ridges appear to have been used as staging or hunt preparation areas during or after the retreat of glacial lake waters from the flood zone. This area of several square kilometres is thought to have been scoured of vegetation during initial flooding and would have represented a distinctly different, perhaps more productive, ecozone from the surrounding forests over a period that have persisted for approximately 2,000 years. GIS-based models of the terrain have been produced to illustrate alternate use patterns scenarios throughout the region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">On the Ottawa Valley, 5000Years Ago: The Morrison Island Site</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The late Clyde Kennedy excavated this site 35 years ago but he never got time to analyze its collection beyond the stage of a preliminary report. Re-analysis shows it is one of the most important Laurentian Archaic sites in the whole Northeast. A discussion of chronology, site nature and function, seasonality and variability is presented.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kennedy</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marriage Patterns in an Archaic Population, A Study of Skeletal Remains from Port au Choix, Newfoundland</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1984</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">085-086</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Étranges objets décorés des Indiens préhistoriques du Québec</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">125-130</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Five small engraved pebbles were found out of archaeological context in the village of St-Pierre-les-Becquets, Québec. The schematic motifs are not unlike some already found on rock art or on other small abjects already published, and the mirror-effect of the drawings was characteristic of local Indians. They might be pieces of an unknown dice game or magical paraphernalia.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cinq petits disques gravés ont été trouvés hors contexte dans la petite localité de St-Pierre-les-Becquets. Ils sont décorés de motifs schématiques analogues à ceux rencontrés dans les oeuvres d&amp;rsquo;art rupestre ou mobilier du Nord-Est et présentent une composition à effet miroir caractéristique de l&amp;rsquo;art décoratif des Amérindiens de la région. Ils correspondent peut-être à des éléments d&amp;rsquo;un jeu ou d&amp;rsquo;une trousse d&amp;rsquo;objets magiques.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fran&amp;ccedil;ois Gauvin et Norman Clermont</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les polissoirs archaïque de l&#039;île Morrison</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">22</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">127-138</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Abrading stones constitute the most important type of tools found on the Archaic site of Morrison&amp;#39;s Island. They cannot be easily classified into morphometric types and their extreme variability is more efficiently discussed as evidence of different uses. However, the palethnographic meaning of the scars linked to particularistic use of abrading stones remains elusive. Some propositions are discussed.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Le site archaïque de l&amp;#39;île Morrison a livré un assemblage exceptionnel de polissoirs. Ces outils sont extrêmement variables mais cette variabilité est difficilement réductible en types morphométriques classiques. Ils constituent plutôt une vaste catégorie fonctionnelle, éventuellement subdivisible par les traces d&amp;#39;utilisation que l&amp;#39;on y remarque. Toutefois, la signification palethnographique de ces traces est, pour l&amp;#39;instant, également difficile à définir. Quelques suggestions sont proposées.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Who Cares for Sunflower Seeds?</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In North America, sunflower has been cultivated on a very large territory since a very long time. Prehistoric Iroquoian groups used its seeds in Ontario and Quebec as well but, most of the time, it is not very conspicuous in archaeological sites. Why? Who really cared for sunflower seeds?</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">S.R. Martin</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Wonderful Power: The Story of Ancient Copper Working in the Lake Superior Basin</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">25</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">132-133</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Quebec Prehistory Goes Marching In</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1982</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">6</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">195-200</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susannah Clinker</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Barbara Voorhies</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistoric Games of North American Indians: Subarctic to Mesoamerica</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">200-202</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cloutier, Pierre</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La céramique et le statut socio-économique des habitants de Québec au 18e siécle</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La céramique est utilisée depuis longtemps par les archéologues dans l&#039;interprétation des sites fouillés. Depuis une dizaine d&#039;années, un indice de la valeur des céramiques au 19e siécle, créé par Miller, permet de faire un lien entre le matériel céramique et le statut socio-économique de ses utilisateurs. Notre recherche avait pour but de connaître la valeur relative des céramiques pour la période précédente. Le dépouillement de nombreux inventaires aprés décés de marchands de Québec, de contrats de potiers, de factures de marchandises et de livres de comptes de marchands et d&#039;institutions religieuses, nous auront permis de déterminer la valeur relative de quatre ustensiles en céramique pour la période qui va de 1730 à 1775. L&#039;application de cet outil d&#039;analyse à trois sites de la Ville de Québec (Place d&#039;Youville, Côte du Palais et Place Royale) permet de vérifier l&#039;efficacité de l&#039;indice céramique du 18e siécle de la Ville de Québec.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cloutier, Jean-Pierre</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Some Problems, Answers and Wishes for Historic Period Ceramics</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1969</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A lack of interest on the part of some researchers and a lack of careful study on the part of others has led to unsatisfactory presentation and utilization of ceramic material in the great majority of historic period archaeological reports. Although several typologies have been offered in recent years, most of these suffer from a lack of knowledge of ceramic technology, from imprecise logic and from failure to reflect meaningful data. The Artifact Research Laboratory of the National Historic Sites Service has oriented some of its research towards the determination, quantification and adequate expression of those characteristics that reflect the technological, temporal, spatial and functional qualities of the material. The problems of classification are not yet solved but temporary measures have to be taken to assure adequate communication and proper utilization of data both by the archaeologist and the researchers.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christine Cluney</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lithic Manufacturing in the Lesser Antilles: A Study of North Crabb&#039;s Bay, Antigua</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The island of Antigua, located in the Lesser Antilles, is important in Caribbean archaeology in regards to its flint resources. For this reason, many preceramic sites are located on the island. One such site, Jolly Beach, has been extensively studied in terms of lithic manufacturing. Recently, a similar sites, North Crabb&#039;s Bay, has been part of the Antigua archaeological field school, based out of the University of Calgary. At the Jolly Beach site Davis (2000) found that by studying the angular debris produced differences in the manufacturing of flakes and blades can be obtained. This method is compared at the site of North Crabb&#039;s Bay.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christine Cluney</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Variabilité de l&#039;utilisation de la faune marine dans un site du début de l&#039;âge de la céramique à Antigua,</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Codére, Yvon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Le Centre de référence lithique du Québec</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Par la comparaison de la matiére premiére formant le support d&#039;artefact de pierre avec des échantillons géologiques de sources connues, l&#039;archéologue parvient à identifier des sources d&#039;approvisionnement exploitées durant la préhistoire. La connaissance des sources d&#039;approvisionnement nous renseigne sur les sphéres d&#039;interaction, les migrations saisonniéres et les systémes d&#039;échange. Malheureusement, on ignore trés souvent la source des matiéres premiéres formant le support de nos artefacts préhistoriques. Le Centre de référence lithique du Québec vient donc combler un besoin réel en regroupant des échantillons de matiéres premiéres lithiques du nord-est américain. Le Centre de référence lithique du Québec compte déjà plus de 300 échantillons et beaucoup d&#039;autres s&#039;y ajouteront. Il est en contact avec des archéologues oeuvrant au Québec et également avec des archéologues ontariens et américains qui lui font parvenir de nouveaux échantillons qui sont aussitôt intégrés à la collection du Centre. Le Centre de référence est également en contact avec des géologues et des prospecteurs parcourant le territoire québécois. En raison du rôle que le Centre de référence lithique est appelé à jouer dans l&#039;analyse archéologique, il est vraisemblable de croire qu&#039;il deviendra un lieu de rencontre et de recherche important pour les archéologues du nord-est américain.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cohodas, Marvin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Classic Maya as Art Historical Subject:A Call for Re-Direction</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Why has the representational art of the Maya become the focus for so many archaeologists of vastly different fieldwork experience? And why are advances in analysis of social process, such as those provided by critical theories and post-structural methodologies, so rarely applied? Does nationalism preclude embrace of certain methodologies? Do some scholars retreat into increasingly fanciful and positivist reconstructions of ancient Maya society not despite the nightmare of repression and genocide that has befallen the living Maya but in reaction to it? Indeed, the efficacy of focusing on representation may derive from older Art Historical methodologies noted for their ability to separate objects from lived econornic and political realities in order to recontextualize thern in idealized and elite-defined settings. We must formulate a methodology which resists idealizing Ancient Maya society and which reckons with the impact of academic theorizing on current political situations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mark Collard</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael Kemery</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">and Samantha Banks</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Causes of Toolkit Variation Among Hunter-Gatherers: A Test of Four Competing Hypotheses</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">29</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1-19</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Variation in subsistence-related material culture is an important aspect of the archaeological and ethnographic records, but the factors that are responsible for it remain unclear. Here, we examine this issue by evaluating four factors that may affect the diversity and complexity of the food-getting tools employed by hunter-gatherer populations: 1) the nature of the food resources; 2) risk of resource failure; 3) residential mobility; and 4) population size. We apply step-wise multiple regression analysis to technological and ecological data for 20 hunter-gatherer populations from several regions of the world. The analyses support the hypothesis that risk of resource failure has a significant impact on toolkit diversity and complexity. The results do not support the hypothesis that the characteristics of the resources exploited for food influence toolkit structure, or that residential mobility affects toolkit diversity and complexity. They are also not in line with the hypothesis that population size has an impact on toolkit structure. While our analyses appear to strongly support the suggestion that resource failure risk is the primary influence on hunter-gatherer toolkit structure, we argue that it would be premature to discount the other factors at this stage, and outline the steps that we believe need to be taken next.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Malgré le fait qu&amp;rsquo;il s&amp;rsquo;agisse d&amp;rsquo;un aspect important de l&amp;rsquo;archéologie et de l&amp;rsquo;ethnologie, les facteurs responsables du changement de la culture matérielle relié à la subsistance sont encore mal connus. Nous examinons quatre facteurs qui pourraient affecter la diversité et la complexité de l&amp;rsquo;outillage de subsistance des chasseurs-cueilleurs: 1) la nature des ressources alimentaires exploitées; 2) l&amp;rsquo;éventualité de manquer de ressources; 3) la mobilité résidentielle et 4) la taille de la population. Nous utilisons la régression multiple pour analyser les données technologiques et de subsistance de 20 populations de chasseurs-cueilleurs de diverses régions du monde. Les résultats de nos analyses n&amp;rsquo;appuient pas l&amp;rsquo;hypothèse selon laquelle les caractéristiques des ressources exploitées influencent significativement la diversité et la complexité des outillages, pas plus celle soulignant l&amp;rsquo;impact d&amp;rsquo;un mode d&amp;rsquo;établissement de type &amp;laquo;mobilité résidentielle&amp;raquo; ou encore celle arguant pour l&amp;rsquo;important rôle de la taille de la population. Alors que nos données montrent surtout que la structure de la composition de l&amp;rsquo;outillage est plutôt influencée par le facteur du risque d&amp;rsquo;échec, nous suggérons cependant qu&amp;rsquo;il est encore prématuré de rejeter ces trois derniers facteurs et nous proposons des avenues de recherche additionnelles.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Elizabeth Collard</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">McNally</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Table Glass in Canada 1700–1850</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1984</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">090-091</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ben Collins</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Element Survivorship of Salmo salar</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This investigative taphonomic study explored the role of bone density and pH in the survival of salmon bones. Selected salmon elements were defleshed and subjected to a period of four weeks in four different solutions that ranged from pH 4 to pH 10. The results of the study, although preliminary, indicated that both extremely alkaline and extremely acidic environments were detrimental to element survival. Bone density was not found to correlate significantly with survivorship and no interaction was detected between pH and density. These results yield some interesting findings with respect to Northwest coast sites, as they are typically found in alkaline environments and are often linked with significant salmon use. Further research should be directed towards both acquiring accurate density measurements for the different species of salmon and in conducting more intensive experimental taphonomic studies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Benedict J. Colombi</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James F. Brooks</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Keystone Nations: Indigenous Peoples and Salmon Across the North Pacific</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2017</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">41</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">121-124</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colson, Alicia</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Boat, a View and Some Friends: A Critical Re-Evaluation of the Field Techniques Used to Survey and Record the Rock Art Sites of the Lake of the Wood</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The physical location of the pictographs has fundamentally influenced both how pictograph sites are found and interpreted. Unfortunately, fieldwork methods and analytical techniques used by archaeologists to survey archaeological sites reinforce how pictograph sites are considered. Archaeologists have developed a range of techniques to record these images, including tracing these images in red paint on wet rice paper and dot-for-dot reproduction of each image using clear plastic and coloured felt tip pens. However, even if precise recording techniques are employed both field and the analytical techniques continue to cause problems. Essentially these images are &quot;trapped within a formula&quot;. New methods of recording the pictograph sites must acknowledge that this art, regardless of where it is found, is a form of communication and that its study is concerned about meaning. Similar images exist in other places, such as those found in the birch bark scrolls. Clearly, it is important to remain aware of the vast trans-media commonality of the imagery. Additional bodies of information from disciplines other than archaeology must be used in conjunction with a re-organization of how field data about these sites are collected and interpreted. The archaeologist must be aware of the tools, questions, and problems of other disciplines as well as their own. Yet rock art sites cannot be examined using the same techniques as applied to other archaeological sites. The theoretical approaches used and the questions asked may be the same, but the practical methods used to recover, catalogue and analyse the data are radically different from those that archaeologists apply to &quot;traditional&quot; archaeological sites. The area surrounding these images can perhaps be excavated, but the physical context will not provide information about the cultural context of the images themselves. This paper will critique the field techniques used by previous researchers in the Lake of the Woods area and commonly held views about how to survey and record these images. The sites in the Lake of the Woods area appear representative of those found in the archaeological surveys conducted on the rock art of the Canadian Shield. The individual pictograph sites associated with this lake vary in number and range of mages. It has been traditionally believed that the pictographs are found at the base of the vertical granitic rock walls, either immediately beside the water or several metres from the water&#039;s surface. Yet, my own fieldwork has demonstrated that rock art sites do not always exist in conjunction with a body of water. My own fieldwork has demonstrated that these sites were located sometimes away from the water&#039;s edge and occasionally found in caves. Yet, stereotypes about the physical location have fundamentally influenced how they have been found and interpreted. I intend to develop a new and more synthetic direct-historical approach to the interpretation of the rock art that overcomes some of the problems inherent in previous work. This approach will involve the investigation of the beliefs and traditions of the Ojibwa people in the expectation that these findings can be applied to the rock art. It will explicitly examine the images as complex dimensional media created in the context of their physical surroundings.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alicia J.M. Colson</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chris Scarre</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Geoffrey Scarre</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Ethics (2nd edition) (Karen D. Vitelli and Chip Colwell-Chanthaphonh, editors) and The Ethics of Archaeology: Philosophical Perspectives on Archaeological Practice</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">135-141</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Coltrain, Joan Brenner</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sealing and Whaling: Transitions in Eastern Arctic Paleoeconomies</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The importance of bowhead whales in Classic Thule diets has been a topic of ongoing debate. Some researchers have argued that bowheads were scavenged for meat and bone, the latter used primarily for construction of residential dwellings. Others have argued that bowheads were actively hunted in open sea umiaks and made a significant contribution to Thule diets, warranting the maintenance of winter villages at vantage points along bowhead migration routes. Recent research highlighting the correlation between household caches of whaling gear and metal tools, has furthered interest in Thule subsistence strategies. Here I report preliminary results of a stable and radio-isotope study designed to address this topic. Thule and proto-historic skeletal remains have been analyzed for stable carbon and nitrogen isotope signatures; accelerator radiocarbon dating is underway. Initial results indicate a trophic level difference between Thule and proto-historic diets consistent with the notion that baleen whales made a significant contribution to Thule subsistence.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Commisso, Rob</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An XRF Analysis of the Arrowstone Lithic Material</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The chemical characterization of lithic material has been extensively applied in many areas to examine varying aspects of prehistoric life. However, in some regions those studies have focused on specific rock types, such as obsidian, with little attention paid to the more common lithic types that were being utilized. This point is well demonstrated in the Interior of British Columbia where researchers have indiscriminately grouped a range of volcanic lithic types into a general category, which have been traditionally recorded as &#039;vitreous basalts&#039;. The opportunity to correctly define as well as test the viability of a chemical characterization of one of these volcanic rock types was suggested after the discovery of a large quarry site within the Arrowstone Hills region of British Columbia. The results of that initial study are presented in the following paper, with specific reference to the application of the XRF technique in further studies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Commisso, Rob</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Déterminer la nature du contenu des dépotoirs grâce à l&#039;évaluation des végétaux modernes</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian D. Compton</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rolf Mathewes</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gaston Guzman</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Puffballs from the Past: Identification of Gasteromycetes from a Lillooet Archaeological Site and Speculation Regarding their Aboriginal Use</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">154-159</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gerald T. Conaty</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology, Museums and the Public</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Interpreting the past for the public is a basic task for museum archaeologists. The public is a mosaic of groups with special needs and expectations of a museum and includes children, professional and avocational archaeologists, tourists and Native people. For many, the subject matter concerns a culture not only far removed in time, but also one with a fundamentally different premise and world view. The redevelopment of the Native Peoples Gallery at the Saskatchewan Museum of Natural History has provided an opportunity to examine critically our premises about Native cultures and the interpretive techniques used to convey an understanding of those cultures.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conaty, G.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bobrowsky, P.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stratigraphic disturbance and artefact taphonomy: thoughts on the tyranny of the principle of depositional superposition</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The principle of stratigraphic superposition remains one of the fundamental concepts employed in archaeological analysis. Lately, however, discussion has also been given to the effects of human and natural disturbance factors and their relationships to observed artifact sequences. The analysis of these factors is usually undertaken only when obvious disturbance features such as frost heaving, ploughing or downslope mass wasting are apparent. Mixing of artifact assemblages may also occur in sites with less obvious pedological disruptions. Two methods of discovering and assessing unobvious disturbances are considered: one statistical; and one qualitative. The relative merits of each are discussed and their applicability to archaeological contexts is illustrated with case studies. The implications of intra-site artifact displacement are examined in terms of the interpretive paradigm of archaeological stratigraphy.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gerald T. Conaty</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Davis</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Avonlea Yesterday and Today—Archaeology and Prehistory</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1990</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">237-239</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conn, Richard G.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Progress and Problems in Recent Trade Bead Research</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1968</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Glass trade beads occur in almost all protohistoric and historic archaeological sites. These materials that should be helpful in dating seldom are since almost nothing is known of bead chronology or typology. The dozen-or-so workers in this area have focused on specific problems such as the location of various European manufacturers, processes of manufacture, exact chronologies derived from European sources, relative chronologies derived from North American sites, and the correlation of archaeological materials with dated ethnographical specimens. From this research, two significant publications have come within the last two years. However, those engaged in trade bead studies reckon more unsolved problems than accomplished results. The writer suggests that most of these could be attacked more effectively with increased intercommunication among those concerned. Contact should also be established with those in other disciplines (e.g. historians and chemists) whose interests are complementary. Finally there is a considerable need to locate and study all collections of properly-excavated materials.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sean P. Connaughton</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mike Leon</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Herbert</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Collaboration, Partnerships, and Relationships within a Corporate World</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">541-562</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Incorporating community involvement and collaboration in archaeological research is difficult in the best of situations, but is it even possible from within large corporate Cultural Resource Management (CRM) firms? Can archaeologists draw from established community-based participatory research (CBPR) and apply its principles to CRM archaeology? Given that commercial archaeology involves potentially multiple conflicting stakeholders, time and budget constraints, narrow work parameters, and many other intricacies, those of us seeking a more equitable approach have found the application of collaborative practices much more challenging. Using lessons learned during a major excavation project in British Columbia&amp;rsquo;s Lower Mainland, we suggest methods and techniques for bridging the gap between the academic model of community-based participatory research and the more practical considerations required of consulting archaeology. These examples represent small steps in moving towards a future where CRM helps facilitate the development of sustainable community partnerships through collaborative praxis transforming archaeology (Atalay et al. 2014).&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Intégrer l’implication et la collaboration communautaires dans la recherche archéologique est dans le meilleur des cas difficile, mais est-ce seulement possible au sein des grandes entreprises corporatives de gestion des ressources culturelles? Que peuvent tirer les archéologues des projets de recherche communautaires et ces principes sont-ils applicables dans le cadre de l’archéologie contractuelle? Puisque l’archéologie commerciale peut potentiellement impliquer plusieurs parties prenantes en conflit, des contraintes d’échéanciers et budgétaires, des paramètres de travail étroits, ainsi que plusieurs autres difficultés, ceux d’entre nous qui cherchent à appliquer une approche plus équitable ont trouvé les pratiques collaboratives difficiles à appliquer. En utilisant les leçons tirées d’un projet de fouille majeur dans le Lower Mainland de la Colombie-Britannique, nous proposons des méthodes et des techniques visant à faire le pont entre le modèle académique de l’archéologie participative communautaire et les considérations plus pratiques des archéologues consultants. Ces exemples représentent des petits pas vers un avenir où l’archéologie contractuelle facilitera le développement de partenariats communautaires durables à travers une pratique collaborative qui transformera l’archéologie (Atalay et al. 2014).</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sean P. Connaughton</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">﻿﻿David V. Burley</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Birth of Polynesia: An Archaeological Journey Through the Kingdom of Tonga</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2023</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">47</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">87-89</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sean P. Connaughton</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Genevieve Hill</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jesse Morin</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cory Frank</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nancy Greene</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David McGee</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tidal Belongings: First Nations–Driven Archaeology to Preserve a Large Wooden Fish Trap Panel Recovered from the Comox Harbour Intertidal Fish Trap Complex in British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">016-051</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This article describes the recent identification, documentation, and preservation of a large wooden lattice-work panel recovered from a wet-site trap complex located in Comox Harbour on the east coast of Vancouver Island, British Columbia. This project was the result of Indigenous community members proactively taking control of their heritage for protection and conservation. Based on the research of the contributors, this panel appears to be the largest and most intact example of a fish trap panel from an archaeological context on the Northwest Coast. This paper provides data and interpretations to better understand Indigenous fisheries and the technology of the extensive systems of wooden fish traps that once spanned most of Comox Harbour.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cet article décrit la récente identification, la documentation et la préservation d’un grand panneau de transenne en bois récupéré d’un piège complexe en milieu humide découvert localisé à Comox Harbour sur la côte est de l’Île de Vancouver en Colombie-Britannique. Ce projet est le résultat de l’initiative et du dynamisme des membres des communautés autochtones dans la prise en main de la protection et la conservation de leur héritage culturel. En se basant sur la recherche de collaborateurs, ce transenne apparaît comme étant le plus grand et le mieux conservé comme exemple d&#039;une trappe à poissons dans un contexte archéologique de la Côte du nord-ouest. Ce texte fournit les données et les interprétations pour une meilleure compréhension des pêches autochtones et des techniques des systèmes approfondis des pièges à poissons en bois qui ont une fois presque couvert l&#039;entier Comox Harbour.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Conolly</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An evaluation of the value of total viewshed analysis: an example from Antikythera, Greece</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper explores the contribution of total viewshed analysis for understanding long-term human settlement pattern choices on the island of Antikythera, Greece. A &#039;viewshed&#039; is a GISc term that describes the set of locations (grid cells) within a landscape that can be seen from a single observation point. A &#039;cumulative viewshed&#039; (Tomlin 1990) is the sum of a set of viewsheds that tells us how many observation points can see each location. A &#039;total viewshed&#039; is identical to a cumulative viewshed except that all locations are used as observation points, and thus the end product is a representation of the visual magnitude of each location on the landscape–-what Llobera describes as a first description of the visual structure for an entire terrain (Llobera 2003: 34). The essential point in regard to human behaviour, however, is that the visual structure of a landscape has an impact on the human experience, understanding and/or use of that landscape. As the visual structure of a landscape can be modelled using GIS software, it becomes possible to examine empirically the relationship between this structure and the spatio-temporal variability of human activities in that landscape. In this paper I outline the total viewshed analysis of an island in the southern Aegean (Antikythera) for which we have long-term settlement pattern data (over seven millennia) in order to test the hypothesis that the visual characteristics of the landscape had an impact on settlement location.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Conolly</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William Fox</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jennifer Birch</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Revised Chronology for the Emergence and Expansion of Late Woodland Villages along the North Shores of Lake Erie and Lake Ontario and Evidence for a Rapid Increase in Fortified Settlements in the Thirteenth Century AD</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2024</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">48</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37-69</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In this paper, we present a revised chronology for the appearance and development of village communities dating to the first part of the Late Woodland across the north shores of Lake Erie and Lake Ontario (Ontario, Canada). Our work is based on a sample of existing and newly obtained accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) dates from Late Woodland sites dating before AD 1450. We have examined these within a Bayesian modelling framework to provide a more precise understanding of the timing and pace of cultural change, with a focus on the changes in settlement size and organization structure. Our results emphasize the longevity and adaptive success of low-level food production among communities along the Grand River in the first phase of the Late Woodland. We also show that the transition to palisaded villages and fortified towns was not a slow four-century-long process that conventional dating implied. Instead, these changes unfolded over 150 years, exhibiting a more rapid transition than has previously been recognized, concentrated in the thirteenth century AD. These results are interpreted within the context of the growing value of intra-community cohesion alongside evidence for inter-community conflict.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Dans cet article, nous présentons une chronologie révisée de l’émergence et du développement des communautés villageoises durant la première partie du Sylvicole supérieur sur les rives nord des lacs Érié et Ontario (Ontario, Canada). Notre travail repose sur un échantillon de dates publiées ou inédites obtenues au moyen de la spectrométrie de masse par accélérateur (SMA) provenant de sites du Sylvicole supérieur datant d’avant 1450 apr. J.-C. Nous avons examiné ces données dans un cadre de modélisation bayésienne afin d’affiner notre compréhension de la chronologie et du rythme des changements culturels, en mettant l’emphase sur la transformation de la taille et de l’organisation structurelle des communautés villageoises. Nos résultats soulignent la longévité et le succès adaptatif des premières communautés villageoises pratiquant une agriculture à faible échelle le long de la rivière Grand durant la première phase du Sylvicole supérieur. Alors que les dates conventionnelles suggèrent une lente transition vers des villages palissadés et fortifiés s’étant échelonnée sur quatre siècles, nos dates corrigées montrent plutôt des transformations rapides sur une période beaucoup plus courte de 150 ans concentrée au XIII&lt;sup&gt;e&lt;/sup&gt; siècle apr. J.-C. Ces résultats sont interprétés dans le contexte de la valeur croissante d’une cohésion intracommunautaire où se mêlent des indices de conflits intercommunautaires.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Conolly</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hunter-gatherer Mobility, Territoriality, and Placemaking in the Kawartha Lakes Region, Ontario</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">185-209</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper is about the archaeological settlement patterns generated by mid to late Holocene (ca. 5000 to 1000 cal BP) hunter-gatherer societies in the Kawarthas region of south-central Ontario. My central goal is to evaluate the extent to which the structure of the regional waterway network was a determinant influence on regional mobility and spatial interaction, and thus also the formation of persistent places used over millennia for residential and ritual purposes. To do this, I generate predictions concerning the catchment sizes of central place foraging locations and apply a simple spatial interaction model that prioritizes centrality as a critical factor influencing settlement choices in the regional waterway network. At spatial scales commensurate with daily foraging, the predictions concerning centrality exhibit statistically robust concordance with site locations, and a poor fit with random control data, supporting the model’s assumptions. Furthermore, ritual places used by ancient communities for elaborate mortuary programs were found to be central at geographic scales exceeding the predicted range of residential foraging. This strengthens the hypothesis that these places were selected as a function of their strategic position within much larger geographic networks, commensurate with territorial areas and places of heighted inter-community interaction. This offers support for interpreting these locations not only as places where ritual and economic needs were entwined, but also as locations of pronounced socioecological value where tenure and access rights were signaled and reinforced by the acts of ritual placemaking.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Cet article examine les schèmes d’établissement archéologiques des sociétés de chasseurs-cueilleurs de l’Holocène moyen à l’Holocène tardif (environ 5000 à 1000 cal BP) dans la région des Kawarthas, dans le centre-sud de l’Ontario. Mon objectif principal est d’évaluer à l’échelle régionale l’influence de la structure du système de voies navigables sur la mobilité et les interactions dans l’espace, ainsi que de mesurer l’impact de ces structures sur la formation et l’utilisation à long terme de lieux résidentiels et rituels. Pour ce faire, cet article examine un certain nombre de prédictions concernant la taille des zones d’acquisition (« catchment ») de sites d’approvisionnement centraux et applique un modèle d’interactions spatiales simple qui pose la centralité comme facteurclé influençant les schèmes d’établissement au sein d’un réseau régional de voies navigables. Les résultats obtenus à des échelles spatiales compatibles avec la recherche quotidienne de nourriture sont en accord avec les prédictions de départ du modèle de centralité. En effet, ceux-ci montrent une concordance statistiquement robuste avec l’emplacement des sites, mais faible avec les données aléatoires de contrôle. En outre, les sites qui furent utilisés dans le cadre d’activités mortuaires complexes tendent à occuper une place centrale à des échelles géographiques excédant la zone correspondant à la simple collecte de nourriture. Ces résultats renforcent l’hypothèse selon laquelle ces lieux ont été sélectionnés en fonction de leur position stratégique au sein de réseaux géographiques beaucoup plus vastes, en articulation avec des aires territoriales et de lieux marqués par une forte interaction inter-communautaire. Ces observations indiquent que ces lieux doivent non seulement être interprétés comme des endroits où les besoins rituels et économiques étaient imbriqués, mais aussi comme des lieux à valeur socioécologique prononcée où les droits de propriété et de visite étaient signalés et renforcés par des actes d’édification de lieux rituels.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James Conolly</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jeffrey Dillane</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kate Dougherty</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathleen Elaschuk</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kristen Csenkey</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Teresa Wagner</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jocelyn Williams</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Early Collective Burial Practices in a Complex Wetland Setting: An Interim Report on Mortuary Patterning, Paleodietary Analysis, Zooarchaeology, Material Culture and Radiocarbon Dates from Jacob Island (BcGo-17), Kawartha Lakes, Ontario</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">106-133</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The emergence of collective burial practices is of central interest to archaeologists interested in understanding the evolution of cooperative corporate group behaviour. We here provide an interim report of our documentation and analysis of one of the earliest known collective burials in south-central Ontario, located in a narrowly circumscribed (0.5 ha) parcel of land on Jacob Island overlooking Pigeon Lake in the Kawartha Lakes district. This paper provides a preliminary overview and summary of the findings to date, focusing on the burial patterns, palaeodietary analysis, material culture characteristics, and chronology. Our work has extended evidence of cemetery burials in southern Ontario back to the fifth millennium B.P., and we show how these practices relate to the better documented mortuary programs of the second and third millennium B.P.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La question de l’émergence des pratiques funéraires collectives est centrale pour notre compréhension des comportements de coopération au sein des groupes et de leur évolution. Nous présentons ici une étude préliminaire de l’un des plus anciens cimetières présentement connus dans la région Centre-Sud de l’Ontario. Ce cimetière est situé dans une zone étroite et circonscrite (0.5 ha) de l’île Jacob, donnant sur le lac Pigeon dans le district des Kawartha Lakes. Cet article propose un résumé des résultats obtenus à ce jour, plus particulièrement axé sur les modes d’inhumation, l’analyse des paléo-diètes, du matériel associé aux sépultures et de leur chronologie. Nos travaux ont permis de mettre en évidence une existence ancienne de cimetière dans le sud de l’Ontario, remontant au cinquième millénaire B.P. Nous démontrerons ici comment ces pratiques funéraires peuvent être reliées à celles, beaucoup mieux documentées, des deuxième et troisième millénaires B.P.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conway, T.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stylistic Trends of Rock Art in Northeastern Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper outlines three proposed stylistic regions for prehistoric rock art in the Shield. Newly recorded pictograph sites form the basis for a stylistic region centered in the Lake Temagami to Kirkland Lake area. The northeastern shore of Lake Superior and Missinaibi Lake areas are also suggested as regions with distinctive art trends. Temporal and spacial stylistic parameters provide a model to be tested in portions of the Canadian Shield.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conway, T.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pointe Aux Pins–The First Shipyard on Lake Superior</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cartographic, archival and archaeological evidence is used to identify the site of De La Ronde&#039;s 1734 shipyard on the St. Mary&#039;s River. Alexander Henry and associates occupied the same site in the 1770&#039;s for ship building and construction of Ontario&#039;s first assaying furnace.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conway, T.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Heartland of the Ojibwa</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Heartland of the Ojibwa is a study into Late Archaic, Middle and Late Woodland, and Early Historic period archaeology along the St. Mary&#039;s River corridor at Sault Ste. Marie, Ontario. General site survey, analysis of existing collections and site salvage projects are united to provide a cultural chronology for an important settlement centre.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. James Cook</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">New Archaeological Approaches to the Study of Graeco-Roman Period Canals in the Fayum Region (Egypt)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">During the Graeco-Roman period (ca. 300BC - AD400) an extensive system of canals provided irrigation water to the Fayum region of Egypt, greatly increasing its agricultural productivity. Despite the fact that traces of these important features are still preserved in the landscape, and despite the fact that numerous methodologies have been developed for the study of canal systems in other parts of the world, the Fayum irrigation system has only been examined archaeologically once previously (1927-1928). In fact, virtually everything that is known about these irrigation canals has been learned from ancient Greek documents preserved on papyrus. As a team member of the UCLA/RUG Fayum Project, I have been conducting survey and excavation along one portion of the canal system near the ancient site of Karanis (Kom Aushim) in the Fayum. This paper reports on preliminary results of the first field season and assesses the effectiveness and applicability of the geo-archaeological techniques employed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cook, John P.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Obsidian in the Beringian Area: A Progress Report</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Considerable progress has been made in Obsidian analysis in Alaska, northwest Canada, and Siberia over the last year. The project is comprised of two major elements: source identification and hydration measurements. Although the former is fundamental to reliable dating and has been the major foeus of our research this last year, significant advances have also been made in consolidating a hydration measurement database. Using instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis (INAA), X-Ray diffraction (XRF), and microprobe analyses, more than 900 samples of obsidian have been analyzed for their elemental composition. These three methods will be compared and evaluated for their efficiency and reliability in differentiating obsidian. Each has particular strengths and weaknesses. The statistical results of these analyses will be compared and the distinguishing signatures of the obsidian will be identified. The geographic distribution of the distinctive obsidian groups will be presented with particular emphasis on the eastern Beringian region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Cook</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canoe Routes and Lithic Distributions</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The increased precipitation and colder weather over the last 5,000 years raised lake and river levels significantly improving their utility for human travel and transport. The birch bark canoe gave humans unparalleled access to food resources and larger cultural networks poorly understood today. On the Maritime Peninsula, bisected by large north to south flowing rivers whose headwaters flow from a common highland and whose east-west tributaries nearly intertwine, prehistoric people used birch bark canoes to establish a variety of routes also used by subsequent cultural groups as revealed by archaeological remains and the distribution of distinctive lithic materials.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Katherine Cook</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mary E. Compton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Digital Archaeology: On Boundaries and Futures</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">038-045</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">COOMBES, Joanne</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cheslatta-Carrier First Nation</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Sap of Our Life: Carrier Perspectives on Culturally Modified Trees</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Today when we think of forested areas, often what comes to mind are the very different perspectives of loggers and environmentalists. It is hard to imagine what our Carrier ancestors thought of the trees. We know these large plants played an important role in subsistence and survival because that is still recognized today. Pine trees supplied &#039;Chundoo-hhee&#039; in the spring, a sweet treat that could be dried and re-hydrated, or eaten fresh. Carrier &#039;chiclets&#039; came from Spruce trees. The red pitch also served medicinal and adhesive purposes. Cooling baskets-the all important multi-use vessels were made from bark. The tools that were used for stripping the trees were carefully passed along as family heirlooms. Often made from Caribou antler, they were artfully decorated with circles, dots, and short lines. My Carrier ancestors adopted a pragmatic approach to the forested areas, combining the perspectives of loggers and environmentalists. They had a cultural reverence for the forest and were able to harvest its products but preserve nature in all its beauty.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cooney, Gabriel</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Neolithic Quarrying on a Rainbow Island</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">On the small island of Lambay off the east coast of Ireland, a new stone axehead quarry site dating to the Neolithic period has been identified. This arose out of the broader research programme of the Irish Stone Axe Project. Axeheads of a medium-grained volcanic rock, porphyritic andesite (porphyry) are of local importance in the eastern part of Ireland. It had been previously suggested that Lambay was a possible source of these axes. Survey and on-going excavation has led to the recognition of a quarry site on the island. Radiocarbon dates and cultural material indicate a date in the mid-fourth millennium BC. While quarry production seems to have been relatively small-scale, the site has much wider significance for the interpretation of the role of stone axeheads in the Neolithic for a number of reasons. It is the first axe quarry site recognised in either Ireland or Britain for medium- or course-grained lithologies, with primary working by pecking and hammering. All the other known sites are for fine-grained lithologies, with primary working by flaking. In contrast to other stone axehead quarry sites all stages of production, including grinding and polishing were carried out on-site. When polished porphyry has a spectacular colour and this seems to have been a major factor in the choice of this lithology. Alongside the quarrying activity there were a series of deliberate, structured deposits placed in the ground. In these deposits there is a strong emphasis on different materials and different colours that seem to refer to the wider landscape of the island.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cooney, Gabriel</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Axe Quarrying and Production in Neolithic Ireland</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stone axeheads are an important aspect of the material culture of the Neolithic period (4000-2500 BC) in Ireland. They were also in use prior to this, during the Mesolithic (before 7000 - 4000 BC) and subsequently in the Bronze Age (from 2500 BC) Since the early 1990s there has been a major, on-going research project (the Irish Stone Axe Project) focussing on the compilation of a computerised database of stone axeheads of Irish provenance. This is to provide a research engine for a range of projects on stone axeheads. The data base contains archaeological and petrological information. The methodlogical aim is to look at axes in terms of a &quot;cultural biography&quot; approach and to critically assess the post-depositional factors that have influenced the archaeological record. To date there are records of over 22,000 axeheads on the database. Using this data the paper will explore the range of lithologies used in the production of stone axeheads in Ireland. There is evidence of quarrying of a number of primary sources as well as the widespread use of secondary sources, such as beach and river cobbles. There are two known quarry sites in northeast Ireland for the major source used, a rock known as porcellanite. Alongside patterns of use of a range of Irish sources, it is clear that axeheads were exchanged between Ireland and Britain during the Neolithic and there are also a small number of axes of continental European origin.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">COOPER, Doreen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Twenty Years of Archaeology in the Klondike National Park Service in Skagway, Alaska</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Klondike Gold Rush National Historical Park in Skagway, Alaska has recently completed twenty years of building restoration, and associated Section 106 cultural research. Archaeological research has taken place at various business sites – a Gold Rush landing/storage site, a railroad depot, two saloons, a restaurant that was later razed to make way for a haberdashery, and a hotel later turned into an apartment complex. Work at residential sites included a missionary building built on top of a Gold Rush dump site, a Catholic priest&#039;s privy, the cabin and house site of one of the town founder&#039;s and his Tlingit wife, its post-Gold Rush occupation and remodeling by another Skagway pioneer family, and half a block of residences that during the Gold Rush and later periods were lived in by various of Skagway&#039;s pioneer families. Research themes have focused on the building of Skagway&#039;s infrastructure, acculturation, the role of tourism, the effect of Prohibition, and everyday life both before, during and after the hordes of Klondike stampeders step foot on Skagway&#039;s shores.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">COOPER, Janet</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peter HAMALAINEN</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">PETUN WORKED BONE AND SHELL STUDY PROJECT</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An introduction to the newly-formed Petun Research Institute, its repository and the facilities available to archaeologists working in this area of Ontario history and prehistory. Highlighted is the faunal research project recently begun by Peter Hamalainen and Janet Cooper under the PRI umbrella, focussing in its initial phase on the rich faunal artifact recovery from the Sidey-Mackay site excavated by Wintemberg in the 1920s and Garrad in the 1970s.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cooper, Martin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In the Tangled Garden: Archaeology, Art History, and the Group of Seven</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An archaeological investigation was commissioned by the City of Vaughan as part of the historic landscape design for the J.E.H. MacDonald property in Thornhill, Ontario. The goal of the investigation was to identify through archaeology the structure in the background of MacDonald&#039;s most celebrated painting and thus determine the location of the garden. This award winning project represented the first archaeological investigation related to Canada&#039;s Group of Seven and is an example of the contribution archaeology can make to art history.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">H. Kory Cooper</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Garett Hunt</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nicholas Waber</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carey Gray</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Precontact Native Copper Innovation in British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2020</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">44</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">185–122</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Copper has figured prominently in discussions of social complexity among Northwest Coast Cultures. Coppers, shield-like sheets of copper variable in size, were a form of lineage wealth displayed, gifted, or ritually destroyed at potlatches; and copper artifacts have been recovered from human burials. The former use of copper is well-documented ethnographically and historically while the latter phenomenon is less well understood. This paper provides an overview of the occurrence of copper in precontact archaeological contexts in British Columbia using published and unpublished literature. Our investigation is framed within a Behavioral Archaeology approach that elicits ideas on copper innovation and all that it entailed. We find that copper is rare in precontact contexts from a province-wide perspective; there was likely more than one instance of native copper innovation; and contrary to previous suggestions, the copper-rich Dene region of south-central Alaska and southwestern Yukon cannot account for most of the precontact examples of copper use in the province. We offer some hypotheses to explain the precontact distribution of copper in BC, including both local invention and diffusion, not in an attempt to deliver the final verdict on this topic, but rather, to stimulate additional research.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Le cuivre a occupé une place d’importance dans les discussions sur la complexité sociale des cultures de la côte Nord-Ouest. Les coppers, des feuilles de cuivre semblables à des boucliers de taille variable, étaient une forme de richesse héréditaire qui, durant les potlatchs, était mise en évidence, donnée en cadeaux ou détruite rituellement; et des artefacts en cuivre ont été trouvés dans des sépultures humaines. Le premier phénomène est bien documenté dans les sources ethnographique et historique, tandis que le deuxième phénomène est moins bien compris. Cette étude puise dans la littérature publiée et non publiée pour présenter une vue d’ensemble de l’incidence du cuivre dans les contextes archéologiques préeuropéens en Colombie-Britannique. Notre enquête s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une approche propre à l’archéologie comportementale et cherche à comprendre le processus d’innovation dans le travail du cuivre et les processus impliqués. Au travers de ce projet, nous démontrons que : le cuivre est rare dans les contextes préeuropéens à travers la province, qu’il y eut probablement plus d’une instance d’innovation locale dans le domaine du cuivre et que, contrairement aux suggestions précédentes, la région Déné du centre-sud de l’Alaska et du sud-ouest du Yukon, riche en cuivre, ne peut pas être la source de la majorité des exemples d’utilisation du cuivre dans la province. Nous proposons des hypothèses pour expliquer la distribution préeuropéenne du cuivre en Colombie-Britannique prenant en compte à la fois l’invention locale et la diffusion, non pas pour offrir un verdict final sur le sujet, mais plutôt pour stimuler des recherches additionnelles.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cooper, H. Kory</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John Duke</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sources of Copper for the Northwest Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prior to the arrival of explorers and fur traders in Northwest North America in the 18th century, copper was highly prized among the many different indigenous groups and its possession was associated with high status. Several historic, ethnographic, and ethnohistoric sources have credited either the Ahtna of southeastern interior Alaska or the Tutchone of the southwestern Yukon, both Athabaskan-speaking groups, as the main suppliers of copper throughout northwestern North America. Nuggets of native copper (i.e. metallic, 98-99% pure), either raw or fashioned into artifacts, circulated through a trade network distributing prestige goods throughout the Northwest Pacific region. Several of the better-known sources lie within the boundary of what is today, Wrangell-St. Elias National Park and Preserve (WRST-NP/P) in Alaska. Source material from within the park and artifacts from a nearby site (GUL-077) were subjected to neutron activation analysis in order to obtain trace element data that could be used to differentiate various sources of copper in the region. This paper presents the preliminary results of this research and addresses future possible directions.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cooper, Martin S.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David A. Robertson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Norton Site (AfHh-86): A Late Iroquoian Village in London, Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Norton site (AfHh-86) is a large village site loc-ated in a public park, overlooking the Thames River in London, Ontario. Portions of nine, closely spaced and regularly aligned longhouses were recorded in 1988 during excavations conducted by Archaeological Services Inc. within a 100 metre long utilities right-of-way which crossed the site. While artifactual finds were relatively few, they suggest that the site was occupied between A.D. 1450 and 1500. As the site had largely been unknown to researchers in the London area, the Norton site is of considerable importance for the reconstruction of the late prehistoric settlement sequence of southwestern Ontario.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">COPP, Stanley A</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Similkameen-Okanogan Region</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Okanogan and Similkameen Valleys of north-central Washington and south-central British Columbia share many attributes over 8-10,000 years, beginning with Windust and/or Cascade Phase cultures. Stronger cultural ties are associated with Columbia Plateau sequences, but influences from the outhern Fraser Plateau are significant at times. This paper examines inter and intra-valley and extra-areal similarities and differences in projectile point types, and sheds light on larger issues such as Columbia-Fraser Plateau interaction spheres.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">COPP, Stanley A</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8,000 years of history and prehistory at Fort Langley National Historic Park</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Field school excavations at Fort Langley National Historic Park, British Columbia (1988-1996) reveal the presence of multiple pre-contact First Nations&#039; occupations dating ca 200-8400 years B.P. Excavations of the historic Hudson&#039;s Bay Company depot (1839-1888) uncovered features which aid Canada Parks Service reconstruction plans for the fort.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Corbell, Pierre</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beyond American Antiquity : a survey of archaeological periodicals</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pour la plupart des préhistoriens d&#039;Amérique du Nord, la revue American Antiquity représente une source majeure d&#039;information, un modéle du périodique archéologique. Or, ce n&#039;est qu&#039;une source dans un océan de publications dont l&#039;infiation tend à nous échapper. Pour se tenir à jour dans ses lectures, chacun construit sa propre liste de titres à consulter selon son créneau et ses goûts; mais nos choix souffrent de l&#039;absence d&#039;une vue d&#039;ensemble du marché de la publication périodique en archéologie. Plus de 200 titres de périodiques consacrés entiérement ou en bonne partie à l&#039;archéologie préhistorique font l&#039;objet de l&#039;analyse bibliométrique présentée ici. Malgré l&#039;abondance et la diversité des formes et des contenus, il est possible d&#039;identifier un certain nombre de types de périodiques. On accéde à l&#039;information qu&#039;ils contiennent par une littérature secondaire tout aussi abondante et variée. Un indice quantitatif permet de proposer un palmarés de revues importantes et de sources secondaires majeures. La production canadienne dans le domaine reçoit une attention particuliére.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Corbell, Pierre</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beyond American Antiquity : a survey of archaeological periodicals</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Most North American archaeologists consider American Antiquity as a primary source of information: it is a model for archaeological periodicals. But it is only one source in a sea of publications the inflation of which is considered by many to be out of control. To stay afloat, each of us builds his own list of relevant titles depending on his own research interests and taste. These choices are rarely made with an accurate overview of what is on the market of archaeological publishing. More than 200 periodicals devoted entirely or mostly to prehistoric archaeology are studied in the bibliometric analysis presented here. Despite abundance and variety of forms and contents, it is possible to identify different types of periodicals. Information is accessed through a secondary literature showing similar characteristies of abundance and variability. A quantitative index is used to build core lists of primary and secondary titles. Special attention is given to Canadian production.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Corbell, Marcel R.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sedimentological Analyses of the Heron Eden Site (EeOi-11)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bone Bed is a Palaeo-Indian bison processing site located in southwestern Saskatchewan. Situated within a glacial lake basin, this occupation has yielded several stemmed projectile points and has been radiometrically dated to approximately 9000 years ago. A weathered bison bone bed with a few examples of articulated segments is present immediately beneath a cultivation layer. In the eastern portion of the site, the bone bed becomes scattered even though the dark palaeosol continues. Results from mechanical soils analysis display intra-site variability in particle size distribution. This points to a number of different processes contributing to the formation of the site. This paper will discuss the use of microscopic analysis of undisturbed soil sections to identify some of the processes that have affected the Heron Eden bone bed. Sampling with tin Kubiena boxes and the use of soil thin sections is also discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Debra Corbett</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Waldemar Jochelson</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Investigations in the Aleutian Islands and History, Ethnology and Anthropology of the Aleut</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">27</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">117-120</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bryan C. Cordon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Glimpses of the Barrenlands</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A correlation between discrete human populations and discrete caribou herds has been observed ethnohistorically and proposed archaeologically in the area west of the Mackenzie River and north of Lake Athabasca and the Churchill River. Four major barren-ground caribou herds exist, their wintering area corresponding reasonably well with projected protohistoric Athabascan band distribution before fur trade disruption. J.G.E.Smith has demonstrated Chipewyan/Beverly herd association within the historic period. Archaeologically, all but one of over 80 barrenland Arctic Small Tool tradition(ASTt) sites lie within modern herding areas. Changes within the herding range, specifically the calving grounds, during a prolonged cold period following 1500 B.C., induced ASTT hunters as far south as the Prairie provinces, suggesting herding areas similar to the present in regards to migration path and wintering range. The absence of significant ASTt artifactual materials from surveyed areas between discrete herds plus early historic band/discrete herd correlations suggest that similar analogies may be made for other prehistoric barrenland cultures, specifically Northern Plano, Shield Archaic and prehistoric Athapascan.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Corenblum, S.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Effect of Grit Temper upon Native Manitoba Clay</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This study was concerned with the effects of grit tempering upon the plasticity, texture, shrinkage and color of native southern Manitoba clay. Tempering material was obtained from friable granite collected from local archaeological sites. Clay tiles were formed with increasing amounts of temper (10% to 40%) and fired at a range of temperatures (500-900 degrees C). An inverse relationship was observed between the amont of tempering used and the plasticity, malleability, and possible surface finishes. It was noted that the dried and fired clays showed little difference in shrinkage between tempered and untempered clay. Tempering materials are usually added to reduce shrinkage but too much tempering weakens the clay. Prehistoric pottery of this region is often heavily grit tempered and the percentage of tempering used is higher than necessary for the clay used. Thus grit tempered pottery may reflect a cultural trait rather than a functional trait.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cormier, Anne</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Louise Pothier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pabos réinterprété</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">à partir de traces ténues, de fragiles empreintes dans le sol archéologique et des menus fragments d&#039;objets découverts, la seigneurie des de Bellefeuille (1730-1758) reprend forme au Centre d&#039;interprétation du Bourg de Pabos. L,interprétation du site repose sur plusieurs campagnes de fouilles archéologiques et sur des études historiques menées depuis 1980. A l&#039;origine du concept global de mise en valeur: un ensemble architectural qui se pose en relation directe avec le site archéologique et historique et avec le site naturel. On y communiquera au visiteur non seulement le résultat des études mais aussi l&#039;essence du processus de recherche archéologique. On lui fournira des clés pour décoder les messages livrés par le site lui-même. à son tour, le visiteur pourra imaginer, réinterpréter la seigneurie du 18e siécle.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Danielle Y. Cornacchia</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Graham Connah</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Writing About Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2010</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">34</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">269-272</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Corriveau, Isabelle</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">HAMMER, T.J.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Analysis of Tr&#039;ochëk and Forty Mile Sites (Yukon) Stone Chip Collections</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Hän traditional territory is located in the Middle Yukon River on both sides of the Yukon-Alaska boundary. Our understanding of Hän pre-contact culture is limited. The diggings at Tr&#039;ochëk and Forty Mile sites, directed by T.J Hammer between 1998 and 2001, contribute at our knowledge of traditional Hän culture. These sites are located in the Klondike region and findings reflect the traditional life ways at the fish camps of the Hän people during the Late Prehistoric/Athapaskan Tradition (1260BP - 1800s) and the contact periods. The first objective of my research is to identify the reduction technologies present on both site Tr&#039;ochëk and Forty Mile. The second is to determine if the collections support the proposition of Le Blanc, that at the Late Prehistoric/Atapaskan Tradition the shift of stone reduction type result of the diminution of the importance of lithic technology. These objectives are attained by the observation of the complete stone flake collections found during the excavations of Tr&#039;ochëk and Forty Mile. By observing the stone chip physical characteristic I expect to determine the presence and the importance of the bipolar and/or free hand reduction strategies in the collections. Further, our collections will be compared with the collections from the Rat Indian Creek and, if possible the Klo-Kut sites. These comparisons will provide a reference point to integrate our data into the framework of northwest archaeology. Finally, these comparisons will permit discussion of the importance of lithic technology during the Late Prehistoric/Athapaskan Period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cossette, Evelyne</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurentian Archaic Animal Exploitation Strategies in the Ottawa River Valley : Morrison Island and Allumettes Island</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Despite little zooarchaeological data available to construct subsistence economies of the Laurentian Archaic populations, most researchers have postulated a twofold seasonal pattern of animal exploitation. Since many of the sites are located near rapids along major waterways, fishing is often considered as the major economic activity carried out during the spring and summer months, whereas hunting and trapping would have been the sole economic pursuit during the coldest months of the year. Paucity of faunal remains in many of the sites has hindered a sound verification of the proposed model, which has not yet been fully validated. Faunal assemblages from the Morrison Island and Allumettes Island sites, located in the Ottawa River Valley, offer an opportunity to look more closely into the question of Laurentian Archaic animal exploitation and subsistence economies. Zooarcchaeological evidence gathered so far points to an opportunistic broad-based subsistence strategy as well as a suite of seasonally focused animal exploitation behaviors.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cossette, Evelyne</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Exploitation of Deer Among Northern Iroquoians</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A trend in general opportunism is apparent in most northern Iroquoian faunal assemblages, but these also stress the importance of some specific mammalian and fish species. Faunal profiles indicate that White-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) was a major prey item in Iroquoian econorny and it is often the most numerous mammalian species identified, but its relative importance might be exaggerated due to preservation factors and recovery methods. Faunal reports comprising analyzed White-tailed deer remains from a variety of sites dating to Late Middle Woodland and Late Woodland periods will be examined and compared in order to trace patterns in deer exploitation in northern Iroquoia. Synchronic differences in the economic importance of deer hunting activities among northern Iroquoian groups as well as possible dia-chronic changes leading towards an apparent intensification of deer exploitation will be assessed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Norman Clermont et Evelyne Cossette</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prélude à l&#039;agriculture chez les Iroquoiens préhistoriques du Québec</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">035-044</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Late Middle Woodland period (A.D. 500-1000) in the Lake Saint-François/Lake Saint-Louis area, west of Montreal, was marked by an apparently new and strategically decisive process of summer sedentarisation. This process had side-effects on many different aspects of the culture. This paper focuses on subsistence behaviour. More than 100,000 culinary bone fragments found in six chronologically different middens have been analyzed. These data give the impression of economic stasis that will be discussed in the second part of the paper.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Le Sylvicole Moyen tardif (500-1 000 A.D.) dans la région du lac Saint-François/lac Saint-Louis, en amont de Montréal, sera marqué par un processus de sédentarisation estivale apparemment nouveau et stratégiquement décisif. Ce processus est enregistré à plusieurs niveaux. Nous l&amp;#39;abordons ici par le biais de la subsistance. &amp;iquest; cet effet, plus de 100,000 fragments osseux culinaires appartenant à six dépotoirs chronologiquement différents sont examinés. Il s&amp;#39;en dégage l&amp;#39;impression d&amp;#39;une stase économique qui devient alors l&amp;#39;objet de notre discussion.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">André Costopoulos</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Samuel Vaneeckhout</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sur les approches à la complexité sociale chez les chasseurs-cueilleurs préhistoriques: particularisme, généralisme et méthode comparative</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">29</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">153-164</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;A review of recent work on social complexity among prehistoric hunter-gatherers reveals tension between particularist and generalist approaches in archaeology. We identify two major divisions in approaches to complex hunter-gatherers: those that describe complexity vs. those that define it, and those that trace the origin of complexity to the emergence of inequality vs. those that trace it to the emergence of specialization. Authors who take a definitional approach to complexity tend to emphasize specialization and general law-like processes, while those that take a descriptive approach tend to emphasize inequality and historical context. Interestingly, there is a near absence of theorists who seek to define complexity while emphasizing inequality or of theorists who tend to describe complexity while emphasizing specialization. We note that both descriptive-particularist and definitional-generalist approaches play an important role in the eventual solution of the problem of the origin of social complexity, one of the most theoretically difficult and important problems facing archaeology and anthropology in general.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Une recension des écrits récents sur la complexité sociale chez les chasseurs-cueilleurs préhistoriques révèle une certaine tension entre approches généralistes et particularistes en archéologie. Nous identifions deux grandes divisions parmi les approches aux chasseurs-cueilleurs complexes en archéologie. D&amp;rsquo;une part, il y a celles qui définissent la complexité, et d&amp;rsquo;une autre part, celles qui la décrivent. Il y a aussi celles qui cherchent l&amp;rsquo;origine de la complexité sociale dans le développement de l&amp;rsquo;inégalité et celle qui la voit plutôt dans le développement de la spécialisation. Celles qui définissent ont tendance à mettre l&amp;rsquo;accent sur la spécialisation et les lois générales du développement social, tandis que celles qui décrivent cherchent l&amp;rsquo;origine de la complexité dans l&amp;rsquo;inégalité sociale et le contexte historique particulier. Il semble y avoir un vide dans la littérature là où devraient se trouver des approches qui définissent la complexité tout en identifiant l&amp;rsquo;inégalité comme moteur de changement, ou qui décrivent la complexité en se concentrant sur le rôle de la spécialisation. Les approches descriptives-particularistes et définissantes-généralistes jouent toutes deux un rôle important dans la résolution du casse-tête de l&amp;rsquo;origine de la complexité sociale, qui est un des problèmes théoriques et méthodologiques les plus importants en archéologie.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">André Costopoulos</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistoric Exchange Networks and Asbestos Tempered Ceramics in Northern Fennoscandia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Interpretations of the distribution of asbestos tempered ceramics have always been one of the major building blocks used in models of Finnish prehistory. In the mid-1980&#039;s, attempts were made to identify the sources of the asbestos used in this widespread industry. I will briefly review those attempts, discussing their potential and identifying their methodoligical difficulties. I will then outline my ongoing project for sourcing of asbestos used as temper in prehistoric Finnish ceramics.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Côté, Marc</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Leila Inksetter</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramics and Chronology of the Late Prehistoric Period: the Abitibi-Temiscamingue Case</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Since more than 10 years, the Abitibi-Temiscamingue region in Quebec has benefited from a well structured archaeological research programme. Among various discoveries, the notable presence of ceramic remains in a boreal context has been intruiging since the beginning of our researches. In effect, the discovery of this medium in important numbers, associated with other categories of archaeological remains, allows a refinement of the occupational chronology during the Late Prehistoric period of the region, and informs us quite precisely about the cultural affinities and the circulation direction of goods and ideas in the interaction networks. In this presentation, we will examine two phenomenas that we observed among some ceramic collections. It seems that the Algonquians living in the Abitibi-Temiscamingue region have, on two occasions, abandonned a ceramic tradition to adopt an other one which most likely came from outside the region. And this happened in a very short period of time. We suggest some working hypothesis to explain those facts.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Côté, Marc</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Préhistoire des Amérindiens de lAbitibi- Témiscamingue</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Notre connaissance de l&#039;histoire des Algonquins avant l&#039;arrivée des Blancs est embryonnaire. La situation géographique des Algonquins de l&#039;AbitibiTémiscamingue (ou, comme ils se nomment eux-mêmes, les Anicinabek), les a tenus à l&#039;écart des courants traditionnels de la recherche. Cette derniére s&#039;est plutôt tournée vers les nations plus proches des grands centres ou plus prés de l&#039;actualité politique et économique comme les Cris, les Montagnais ou les Mohawks. La Corporation Archéo-08 méne en Abitibi-Témiscamingue des recherches archéologiques qui soulévent un peu le voile sur ce qu&#039;est la chronologie des occupations, l&#039;évolution du mode de vie, de la culture matérielle, les alliances politiques et les réseaux économiques des groupes culturels qui ont occupé le territoire traditionnel des Algonquins Abitibinnik Binnabayanik ou Timiscamiginik. Cette communication survole les résultats de recherches qu&#039;Archéo-08 a obtenus depuis six ans.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael BLAKE</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian Thom</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Social Complexity in the Fraser Valley: Evidence from the Scowlitz Site</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Results of recent archaeological investigations at the Scowlitz site in the Fraser Valley of Southwestern British Columbia are reported. Strategically located at the confluence of the Harrison and Fraser Rivers, the site appears to have been a centre of status and power in prehistory. Over 30 burial mounds have been recorded, with associated dates from two ranging between 1500 and 500 B.P. Variability in size, structure, and contents of these mounds suggest a complex status hierarchy. We offer two reasons for the emergence of social complexity at Scowlitz: (1) the site is located at the control point of a major salmon fishery; (2) Scowlitz may have been a gateway community for trade between coastal and interior group.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editor&#039;s Notes</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">iii-iv</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hierarchy and Communalism: Tensions of Domestic Space in Northwest Coast Household Archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ranks societies, such as those of the Northwest Coast, grapple with an inherent tension in social structure grapple with an inherent tension between hierarchy and communalism. This paper examines the ways in which domestic space, in particular vernacular architecture, was used on the Northwest Coast to resolve this tension. Northwest Coast houses reinforced social principles of rank by assigning family spaces according to title within dwellings, while simultaneously supporting household incorporation through the use of central communal spaces.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R.J. Schulting</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Archaeology of Rank (P.K. Wason) and Mortuary Variability and Status Differentiation on the Columbia-Fraser Plateau</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">20</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">154-159</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editor&#039;s Notes</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">iii-iv</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathlyn Stewart</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Do You Never Get Tired of Salmon? Evidence for Extreme Subsistence Specialization at Prince Rupert Harbour, British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Faunal evidence from five middle to late period prehistoric village sites at Prince Rupert harbour, British Columbia, reveals an extremely high level of dependence on one food resource, salmon. At some of these sites, it appears that little else in the way of vertebrate fauna was consumed. Comparisons with faunal data from other parts of the Northwest Coast show that the Prince Rupert villagers were unusual in this regard. The reason for this extreme subsistence specialization cannot be absence of other vertebrate fauna. Rather, a cultural explanation is suggested.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Household Variability and Status Differentiation at Kitselas Canyon</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1985</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">9</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">039-056</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The archaeological investigation of households has much to offer the study of prehistoric social organization. This paper compares dwelling data from one prehistoric site and two historic Tsimshian sites at Kitselas Canyon, British Columbia. It is argued that dwelling size is directly related to household size. The historic sites show a pattern of variability in dwelling size and construction that is consistent with the ethnographic Tsimshian model of ranked corporate groups. The prehistoric site, dated to circa 3000 BP, is characterized by homogeneity in dwelling size and construction. This is consistent with an egalitarian social structure.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L&#039;étude de l&#039;organisation sociale au cours de la préhistoire a beaucoup à tirer de la recherche archéologique sur la famille. Cet article compare les données sur l&#039;habitation d&#039;un site préhistorique et celles de deux sites historiques Tsimshian du Canyon de Kitselas en Colombie-Britannique. On démontre que la dimension des habitations est directement liée à la grandeur de la famille. Les sites historiques présentent un échantillonage de variabilité sur la plan de la dimension des habitations et de leur construction qui correspond au modèle ethnographique Tsimshian des groupes constitués classés. Le site préhistorique, qui date d&#039;environ 3000 BP, se caracterise par l&#039;homogénéité qui existe entre la dimension des habitations et leur construction. Ceci correspond à une structure sociale égalitaire.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Martindale</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Changing House and Household Form during the Late Prehistoric Period on the Northern Northwest Coast / La transformation des habitations et de la comm</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological evidence from two village sites in the Prince Rupert lower Skeena River area, the McNichol Creek site and the Clay Creek site, reveals significant increases in house size, as well as changes in construction technique, during the last 1500 years. Correlated with this increase in house size are changes in household form. Clearly, northern Northwest Coast households became larger and more complexly organized after 1500 BP, a period when many archaeologists argue that the ethnographic cultural pattern had become firmly established. We explore some of the implications of these changes in household organization.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editor’s Notes</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">iii-iv</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pourquoi les archéologues ne peuvent-ils s&#039;entendre sur les origines de la société hiérarchique de la côte Nor</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig Bissell</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sarah King</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistoric Subsistence and Seasonality at the McNichol Creek Site, Prince Rupert Harbour, British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Analysis of faunal remains; has led to a reconstruction of subsistence economy and seasons of occupation at the McNichol Creek site, a 1500 year-old village in Prince Rupert Harbour, British Columbia. Results support sorne existing ideas about prehistoric economy in the area, but conflict with others. Subsistence was based mainly on stored salmon, supplemented by shellfish, deer, and herring. Local environments in close proximity to the site were intensively exploited, but important resources from more distant locations, such as sea mammals and eulachon, were apparently not used. Seasonality analysis of shellfish confirms winter occupation, but also indicates an extended occupation of the site into early summer. The particular aspects of the subsistence and seulement pattern at McNichol Creek may be the result of lirnited or denied access to certain key resources, and may not be typical of contemporaneous village sites in the harbour area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Introduction: 50 Down</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-003</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Craig Bissell</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sarah King</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Prehistoric Subsistence and Seasonality at Prince Rupert Harbour: Evidence from the McNichol Creek Site</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">17</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">059-073</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Analysis of faunal remains from the McNichol Creek site, a 1600 year old village in Prince Rupert Harbour, British Columbia, indicates that subsistence was mainly based on stored salmon, supplemented by local resources including shellfish, deer, and herring. Important resources from more distant sources, such as sea mammals and eulachon, were apparently not used. Seasonal occupation was from winter to early summer. This subsistence/settlement pattern, which differs somewhat from the historic Tsimshian model, may be the result of limited or denied access to certain key resources, and may not be typical of larger contemporaneous village sites in the harbour area.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;L&amp;rsquo;analyse des restes fauniques du site McNichol Creek, un village vieux de 1 600 ans à Prince Rupert Harbour en Colombie Britannique, indique que le mode de subsistence était base principalement sur l&amp;rsquo;accumulation et l&amp;rsquo;entreposage du saumon et complete par des ressources locales, comme les mollusques, les chevreuils et les harengs. Des ressources importantes mais éloignées du site, telles que les mammifères matins et les eulachons, n&amp;rsquo;ont pas été utilisées. L&amp;rsquo;occupation du site s&amp;rsquo;est déroulée de l&amp;rsquo;hiver au debut de I&amp;rsquo;été Cette stratégie de subsistance et de schemes d&amp;rsquo;établissement, qui diffère du modèle historique Tsimshian, est peut-être reliée à l&amp;rsquo;accès limité et difficile de certaines ressources clés, et elle n&amp;rsquo;est peut-être pas typique des plus grands villages contemporains situés dans la région du port.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathlyn Stewart</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Resource Ownership, Political Control: Evidence from the Boardwalk Site on the Northern Northwest Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Of the many deep midden, village sites at Prince Rupert harbour on the northern Northwest Coast, the Boardwalk site is special. Boardwalk is much larger than other recorded village sites in the region, has a deeper history of occupation, and its occupants, at least in the later period, appear to have exercised regional control of key subsistence resources. In addition, Boardwalk has yielded to excavation many more artifacts symbolic of wealth and high social status than other Prince Rupert area sites. In this paper, we present evidence from recent excavations at Boardwalk related to the control of subsistence resources, in particular sea mammals. The implications of this resource control in terms of social and political organization are also discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roy L. Carlson</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology of Coastal British Columbia: Essays in Honour of Professor Philip M. Hobler</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">154-157</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Roger COLTEN</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rebecca CASE</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Preliminary Analysis of Socioeconomic Organization at the McNichol Creek Site, British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents the results of three seasons of fieldwork at the McNichol Creek site, a 1600 year old village in Prince Rupert harbour, British Columbia. Material remains recovered from within and outside house features are compared to delineate spatial organization of socioeconomic activities within the village. Space within houses was used primarily for domestic activities. But in at least one house, ceremonial activities may have been conducted, which suggests possible status differences among the households. External space appears to have been divided between processing and manufacturing areas (front midden) and refuse disposal areas (back midden). Human burials were identified in both external contexts.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editor&#039;s Notes</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">v-vi</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">B.L. O&#039;Leary</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Salmon and Storage: Southern Tutchone Use of an &quot;Abundant&quot; Resource</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">18</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">150-152</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathlyn Stewart</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donna Naughton</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Preliminary Investigation of a Regional Economy: Augering Village Middens at Prince Rupert Harbour</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The regional economy of the Prince Rupert harbour area at ca. 1500 BP involved numerous resident local groups. How was this economy organized? Our preliminary analysis explores the degree of specialization in the subsistence economy of these local groups by comparing faunal remains from auger samples from four village sites in the region. Despite close contact with each other and mutual participation within a system of social ranking, these groups appear to have maintained considerable autonomy in subsistence activities.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Martindale</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">MARSDEN, Susan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">DOES RESOURCE ABUNDANCE EXPLAIN LOCAL GROUP RANK AMONG THE TSIMSHIAN?</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tsimshian local groups of the late 18th and 19th centuries owned resource territories and were ranked relative to each other in terms of social preference. This paper explores factors underlying local group rank. We find low, and even negative, correlations among local group rank, population size, and resource abundance, measured in terms of salmon escapement. During the period in question, local group rank was dynamic and mutable, while local group territories and resource abundance were largely static. Evidence indicates that warfare and trade explain the structure of Tsimshian local group rank rather than resource abundance and population.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Burley</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Senewelets: Culture History of the Nanaimo Coast Salish and the False Narrows Midden</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">253-256</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editor&#039;s Notes</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">40</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">iii-iv</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alan D. McMillan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Denis E. St. Claire</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Huu7ii: Household Archaeology at a Nuu-chah-nulth Village Site in Barkley Sound</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2012</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">36</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">340-344</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banahan, Joan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">T. J. Hall</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mountains, Mists, and Middens: 25 Years of Archaeology on Canada&#039;&#039;s West Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The last 25 years have witnessed important developments in three key areas of archaeology on the west coast. Our understanding of the human history of the region has been advanced by research into well established topics such as early human settlement, and new topics related to the study of complex hunter-gatherers. Our way of looking at the archaeological record has been transformed by the unprecedented rise of cultural resource management during this period. And our priorities have been re-set by the increasing collaboration between archaeologists and First Nations, a collaboration that reminds us that west coast archaeology is a partnership. This paper examines developments in each of these areas over the last 25 years, and suggests some new directions for the new millenium.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Coupland</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Point Grey Site: a Marpole Spring Village Component</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">073-096</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The complex hunter-gatherers of the Northwest Coast of North America were renowned for their permanent village way of life. Many groups maintained winter villages and summer-fall villages, the latter associated with intensive salmon production. Settlement patterns in spring were quite varied. Some groups were dispersed and mobile, while others maintained a village way of life based on intensive production of critical spring resources. The Point Grey site is interpreted as a spring village component of the Marpole culture at which herring was the key resource produced. Technological, faunal and human skeletal evidence are presented to support this inference of site seasonality and function.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les chasseurs-cueilleurs complexes de la côte nord-ouest du Pacifique étaient renommés pour leur mode de vie villageoise. Plusieurs groupes avaient à la fois des villages d&amp;#39;hiver et des villages d&amp;#39;été-automne, ces derniers étant liés à la production intensive du saumon. Le schème d&amp;#39;établissement était plus vrariable au printemps et, si certains groupes devenaient mobiles ou se dispersaient, d&amp;#39;autres conservaient leurs habitudes villageoises en se rivant à la production intensive d&amp;#39;une ressource saisonnière alors abondante. Le site Point Grey serait un village printanier de la culture Marpole, installé à un lieu majeur de capture du hareng. Cette interprétation semble appuyée par des données technologiques, par des études de la faune et par certains attributs des squelettes humains.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Court, Emily M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Can mineralogy tell us about inequality? X-ray diffraction as an archaeological tool</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Current research at the Chalcolithic site of Tel Tsaf, Israel is focused on identifying the emergence of economic inequality. My PhD project employs a number of geology and geochemistry procedures. This paper is focused on the potential of X-ray Diffraction (XRD) in archaeological contexts. This technique is being used at Tel Tsaf to identify the mineralogy of wall and floor plaster, as well as mudbrick. It is hoped that comparing and contrasting composition can demonstrate variation in floor construction and quality of plaster. In addition, the composition of mud-bricks used to construct various architectural forms may indicate whether all the bricks were constructed using the same material and technique, or if there is variation in quality and composition of material across structures. These results may indicate either variation in use of space or an unequal access to resources.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Court, Emily M.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dana Campbell</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">From the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age: The Ceramic Sequence of Tell Rakan, Jordan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Excavations at Tell Rakan (WZ120) in Wadi Ziqlab, Jordan have revealed a stratified sequence of Pre-Pottery Neolithic B, Late Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age remains. This level of occupational continuity is rare in the Levant and Tell Rakan offers an important opportunity to study the ceramic development at a single site. Evidence suggests that Tell Rakan was occupied for the duration of the Chalcolithic, offering an excellent opportunity to identify the transition into and out of the period. Our analysis of the ceramic sequence addresses developments from the Neolithic, through these transitions, into the Early Bronze Age. In addition, we address how the sequence relates to finds from other sites in the region. The significance of the pottery sequence and occupational continuity of Tell Rakan is discussed at both the local and regional level.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cox, Steven L.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Stability and Change During the Pre-Dorset Period in Labrador</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Site Nuasomak-2 is located on Nuasomak Island in the Okak region of the north-central Labrador coast. The site contains a minimum of 39 Pre-Dorset structures, mostly tent rings, on a series of raised beach terraces. Investigation of the site in 1987 indicated that Pre-Dorset occupation of the island had been nearly continuous from about 4000 B.P. to about 2500 B.P. The evidence suggests a long period of cultural stability, with little change in lithic technology, lasting to about 3000 B.P., at which time there was rapid change to a Dorset-like cultural form.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cox, Steven</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Research on the Grand Falls Drainage, Eastern Maine</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological research on the Grand Falls drainage (west branch of the St. Croix) during the past decade has revealed a record of prehistoric settlement extending frorn Paleo-Indian to the historic period. We review the archaeological evidence, with particular attention to the Ceramic period. During the Ceramic Period evidence from artifact morphology and lithic materials suggests extensive contact with the Maritimes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cox, Steven L.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Pre-Dorset - Dorset Transition in Labrador</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The terminal Pre-Dorset period in Labrador (ca. 3200–2500 B.P.) saw the end of a long period of cultural stability and a relatively rapid cultural transformation to the Dorset-like Groswater Phase. A number of paleoeskimo sites dating to within this period have been investigated, permitting a view of this transformation with a resolution of approximately one century intervals. The evidence indicates an in situ cultural evolution, probably influenced by external ideas. On the other hand, the appearance of classic Dorset at ca. 2500 B.P. (termed the Early Dorset phase in Labrador), appears to represent the arrival of a new population, and the ultimate fate of the Groswater Dorset inhabitants of northern Labrador remains unclear.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary Crawford</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Tim Denham</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peter White</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Emergence of Agriculture: A Global View</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">264-268</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gary W. Crawford</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pendergast</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Beckstead Site 1977</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1984</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">175-176</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crawford, G.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Plant and Human Relationships in early Jomon Hokkaido</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Interpretation of plant remains analyzed to date from the Yagi site in southwestern Hokkaido document the hitherto unknown early Early Jomon plant-related subsistence ecology. Initial and late Early Jomon components at Yagi also exist and samples from these deposits are compared with Initial Jomon Hakodate Airport site and late Early Jomon Hamanasuno site plant remains. Barnyard grass, a millet, which becomes common in samples by 4000 BP in the area and which seems to have undergone some change from 5000 to 4000 BP, is a rare part of the Yagi plant remains assemblage. Nut remains, common at the Initial Jomon Hakodate Airport site, but rarely found in samples dating from the following two millenia, are in abundance in some components at Yagi, but not others. Preliminary thoughts on integrating the plant remains data with local palynological data, as well as with a catchment study, are presented.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John L. Creese</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Place-making in Canadian Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">046-056</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John L. Creese</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rethinking Early Village Development in Southern Ontario: Toward a History of Place-Making</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">185-218</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The emergence of Iroquoian village societies in southern Ontario, Canada, was connected to the intensification of horticulture, residential sedentarization, and pronounced regional demographic growth. This paper critically evaluates longstanding archaeological debates about the nature and consequences of the early development of Northern Iroquoian village communities in southern Ontario. I argue that an adequate understanding of these developments depends on moving past debates over ethno-linguistic origins and degrees of sedentism, and toward a perspective that carefully traces people&amp;rsquo;s changing material engagements with their natural and built environments. This review suggests that Early Iroquoian villages were united by new kinds of generative entanglements with built space that can be understood as &amp;ldquo;place-making&amp;rdquo; practices. Early village place-making involved the architectural and ritual definition of enduring social groups&amp;mdash;households and village communities&amp;mdash;even as they maintained significant seasonal and logistic mobility across the landscape.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L’émergence de sociétés villageoises iroquoiennes nordiques dans le sud de l’Ontario, Canada, a été reliée à l’intensification de l’horticulture, la sédentarisation résidentielle, et une forte croissance démographique régionale. Cet article évalue de manière critique les débats archéologiques sur la nature et les conséquences de l’évolution rapide des communautés villageoise iroquoinnes nordiques dans le sud de l’Ontario. Une bonne compréhension de ces évolutions dépend du déplacement des débats passés sur l’origine ethno-linguistiques et des degrés de mobilité, vers une perspective qui retrace soigneusement l’évolution des engagements importants des gens avec leur environnement naturel et bâti. Cette étude suggère que les premiers villages iroquoiens étaient unis par de nouveaux types d’engagements générateurs avec le paysage construit. L’architecture et les rituels ont été utilisés pour construire des lieux sociaux. En conséquence, les ménages et les communautés villageoises ont été formulés en dépit du maintien de la mobilité saisonnière et logistique important dans le paysage.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Creese, John</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">From Pattern to Performance: The Social Logic of Prehistoric Iroquoian Domestic Space</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The prehistoric Iroquoian longhouse is explored from the perspective of sociological performance. It is argued that the everyday practices of domestic life constituted an ongoing discourse in which tensions between social atoms and wholes were negotiated. The habitual behaviours that occurred within the longhouse exhibit an enduring concern for balance and symmetry between spaces identified with autonomous but allied social units. Moreover, the special emphasis on these principals, exemplified by post-cluster features associated with the house medial line, suggests that this liminal space was the focus of heightened ritualization in the 14th and 15th centuries, perhaps in response to scalar stress.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crépeau, Andrée</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marketing the History of the Mundane</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">For more than a decade Louisbourg has worked to expand the audience for it&#039;s Archaeological Collection of 5.5 million artefacts. It is an accessible collection situated in a scenic tourist town-population one thousand people. It is a large and rich collection with limited on-site exhibit space. While we have expanded traditional uses such as exhibition loans to outside museums, the most productive initiative has been in non-traditional venues in particular with the arts community.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cresswell, Richard G.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Iron: Why Radiocarbon Dating Doesn&#039;t Always work</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The history of iron is the story of the continuous endeavour of metallurgists to attain a practical mastery over the carbon content of the iron, without knowing that it contained any carbon, or what the effects of carbon are... . Thus, the words of T.T. Read (1934) remind us that in addition to the usual fuels, charcoal and coal, such carbonaceous materials as dogs&#039; blood, pigeons&#039; droppings, rice husks and humans have all been used in the manufacture of iron implements, while the mixing of irons of different types and/or sources has also been a common practice. A detailed knowledge of an artifact&#039;s metallurgical history is therefore a pre-requisite for obtaining a meaningful date. Fortunately, this is commonly available, and careful metallography can often give strong clues into the artifact&#039;s mode of manufacture, and hence reliability of the date obtained. A number of iron artifacts have been analyzed, many of which give dates consistent with their metallurgical/historical context: a few, however, have yielded misleading dates. Some of these can be resolved by metallographic inspection, chemical analyses or knowledge of the metallurgical context of the site. In addition, the small sample size (£5g.) capability of accelerator radiocarbon dating permits multiple analyses in some cases that can further help elucidate the history of an artifact. In other cases, inconclusive results are obtained. Examples of samples analyzed at the Isotrace Laboratory will illustrate these capabilities and limitations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cridland, Jennifer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON HISTORIC BEOTHUCK ANIMAL USAGE</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents another example of the importance of returning to the primary source when doing ethnohistoric research. Almost all our information regarding the historic Beothuck is derived from European records of Beothuck behaviour and material culture. The only surviving evidence of a Beothuck individual directly representing their own culture is the set of drawings by Shanawdithit, the last known Beothuck Indian. Examination of the original drawings, part of the Newfoundland Provincial Museum&#039;s permanent collection, revealed that some of the original details have been altered or are completely missing from the most well known versions illustrated in James P. Howley&#039;s 1915 classic, The Beothucks or Red Indians: The Aboriginal Inhabitants of Newfoundland. In fact it is apparent that the original drawings with their accompanying explanatory notes (as transcribed by W.E. Cormack from conversations with Shanawdithit) were not available to Howley. These differences in the drawings and notes are presented, with a focus on the new information and suggested interpretation regarding historic Beothuck animal usage.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crocker, Rod</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gore Vale Preliminary Findings</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gore Vale was an 1820 brick house situated in the area of modern day Trinity Bellwoods Park, Toronto. Initially owned by Duncan Cameron, it later was home to the influential Bickford family, and afterwards was used as an Institute for recovering alcoholics, a dormitory, a veterans&#039; psychiatric hospital, and finally a Boy&#039;s Club, before being demolished in 1928. A multi-year project, begun in 1990, includes the excavation and mapping of the remaining foundations, an analysis of artifacts relevant to the material history of the city, and a multi-faceted study of the bricks used in the initial construction and later renovations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crocker, Rodney</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Blaubergs, Ellen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE TORONTO MATERIAL-HISTORY DATABASE</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Archaeological Resource Centre of the Toronto Board of Education has recently begun compiling a material-history database for the City of Toronto. The inception, process and preliminary results of the database will be presented and discussed. The information it contains relates to the introduction and impact of technological advances on urban life in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The database is computerized and essentially open-ended. It is correlated with the database system used for analyzing artifacts at the Archaeological Resource Centre, and is intended to provide a social-historical context for artifact interpretation of sites within Toronto. Use of the database addresses several problems associated with the investigation of historic urban, domestic and small-commercial sites.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan J. Crockford</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">S. Gay Frederick</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Neoglacial Sea-Ice Expansion Pushed Fur Seals South and Inuit North: Evidence from Archaeozoological Analysis of a Site in the Eastern Aleutians</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Neoglacial was a period of cold climate that lasted from ca. 4700 to 2500 BP. We present evidence that the Neoglacial substantially altered the distribution of Bering Sea marine mammals, using faunal remains recovered from the Amaknak Bridge site on Unalaska Island (occupied ca. 3,500 - 2,500 RCYBP, uncorrected). Archaeozoological analysis indicates that spring pack ice reached a more southerly position during the Neoglacial than it does today and persisted much longer. We infer from this evidence that sea-ice must also have engulfed the Pribilof Islands until early summer and blocked the Bering Strait virtually year round, preventing fur seals from using the Pribilofs as a breeding rookery and whales from making summer migrations into the arctic, as they do today. We suggest Neoglacial sea-ice expansion in the Bering Sea pushed fur seals south along the Northwest Coast and explains the timing of Inuit arrival into the Western Arctic.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan J. Crockford</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">S. Gay Frederick</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">and Rebecca J. Wigen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Cape Flattery Fur Seal: An Extinct Species of Callorhinus in the Eastern North Pacific?</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">26</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">152-174</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Fur seal skeletal remains have been found in many archaeological sites on the central Northwest Coast. Although these sites lie adjacent to the annual spring migration route of Northern fur seals (Callorhinus ursinus) as they head north to the Bering Sea, evidence is mounting that the archaeological remains came from a non-migratory population. Although this is not a novel suggestion, new developments have dictated another look at the issue. Measurements of modern rookery-aged juveniles compared to archaeological fur seal remains from western Vancouver Island verify that un-weaned pups were harvested, while a virtually unknown historical document describes distinct differences in behaviour and pelage between the fur seals of Cape Flattery and C. ursinus. Although we suspect the former might have been a distinct species and deserves a full-scale taxonomic investigation, the evidence provided here nevertheless demonstrates conclusively that a locally-breeding, non-migratory population of fur seal was once well-established on the central Northwest Coast.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les restes de squelettes d&amp;#39;otarie à fourrure sont trouvés régulièrement dans la région centrale de la Côte du Nord-Ouest. Un nombre croissant de données archéologiques indiquent la possibilité d&amp;#39;une population non-migratoire d&amp;#39;otaries à fourrure de l&amp;#39;Alaska (Callorhinus ursinus), même si les sites archéologiques en question sont adjacents à la route migratoire printanière vers la mer de Béring. Cette idée n&amp;#39;est pas tout à fait nouvelle, mais les données récentes nous obligent à y jeter un nouveau regard. Les dimensions de jeunes otaries de la colonie de freux sont comparées aux restes archéologiques d&amp;#39;otaries à fourrure de la partie ouest de l&amp;#39;Ile de Vancouver et ils confirment la capture de jeunes non-sevrés. De plus, un document ancien et presque inconnu décrit les différences de comportement et de pelage des otaries à fourrure de Cape Flattery et C. ursinus. Nous soupçonnons que les otaries à fourrure de Cape Flattery pourraient représenter une espèce distincte et qu&amp;#39;ils méritent une recherche taxonomique plus approfondie. Toutefois, les données présentés ici démontrent de façon concluante qu&amp;#39;il existait une population d&amp;#39;otaries à fourrure non-migratoire qui se reproduisait dans la région centrale de la Côte du Nord-Ouest.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Susan J. Crockford</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cameron J. Pye</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Forensic Reconstruction of Prehistoric Dogs from the Northwest Coast</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">21</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">149-153</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Manual forensic reconstruction techniques are applied to prehistoric dog skeletal remains recovered from the Northwest Coast of North America. These modern sketches finally &amp;#39;bring to life&amp;#39; the two extinct breeds of indigenous dogs that were once valued companions of west coast First Nations people.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;On a emprunté des techniques manuelles de reconstruction propre à la médecine légale pour reconstituer des chiens préhistoriques à partir de restes squelettiques trouvés sur la côte nord- ouest de l&amp;#39;Amérique du Nord. Ces esquisses modernes font enfin revivre deux espéeces de chiens éteintes qui jadis étaient des compagnons hautement appréciés par les autochtones de la côte ouest.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CROCKFORD, S.J.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A. BYUN</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">U. RINK</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">M. BURBIDGE</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">B.F. KOOP</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Analysis of Ancient mtDNA from Indigenous North American Dogs</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">We present here an analysis of molecular genetic data for indigenous North American dogs consisting of 300 BP sequences of mitochondrial DNA from the D-loop of 3 extinct breeds: the Salish wool dog, the Northwest Coast &#039;village&#039; or hunting dog, and the Tahltan bear dog. This indigenous dog DNA was compared to 718 BP sections of the D-loop from 4 wolf subspecies, red fox, coyote, and 11 breeds of contemporary (modern) dogs also sequenced for this study. Our canid dataset was combined with somewhat longer D-loop sequences of dogs and wolves from two recently published studies. Parsimony analysis of this expanded dataset identified only three major (well-supported) groups: fox, coyote and dog/wolf. A few groupings within the dog/wolf clade were discernible but poorly supported. We conclude that it is not possible to distinguish between breeds of dogs, or even between dogs and wolves, using mtDNA D-loop sequences. Several explanations are offered for these results, the most significant of which is that extensive introgression of dog mtDNA into wolf populations, due to both modern and past asymmetric hybridization events, may account for the similarities in DNA sequences.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crockford, Susan</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Genetic and osteometric characterization of the Tahltan Bear Dog</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Tahltan Bear dog was an indigenous breed kept by the Tahltan First Nation of northwestern British Columbia. This small black and white dog was used to track and hold at bay the black and grizzly bears hunted by their Tahltan masters. The Tahltan Bear dog was designated a distinct breed by the Canadian Kennel Club in 1942 and forty years later, officially declared extinct. As part of a larger study to examine the genetic relationships of Northwest coast aboriginal dogs to modern dogs and wolves, several specimens of Tahltan Bear Dog skins archived at the Royal B.C. Museum in Victoria were sampled. All specimens were collected around the 1940&#039;s and include skins as well as some skeletal remains. mtDNA analysis indicate these animals were indeed aboriginal dogs, although (as for all other breeds), no exclusively Tahltan genetic signature was detected. Osteometric analysis indicates the Tahltan was smaller than other aboriginal North American dogs, perhaps smaller than any other unimproved dog types anywhere. The data presented here adds significantly to the total body of knowledge regarding this breed, which until now encompassed only ethnographic descriptions and a few photographs from the 1900&#039;s. Since no archaeological remains of this animal have yet been found, there has been no way to document its history before the mid 1800&#039;s. Should any remains be found in the future, however, these data will be indispensable.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dale R. Croes</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lachane Basketry and Cordage: a Technical, Functional and Comparative Study</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">13</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">165-205</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Prehistoric basketry and cordage recovered from the Lachane site provide entirely new information concerning the prehistory of the northern Northwest Coast. These materials are analyzed for comparison at the level of attribute (mode), class (type) and functional category. Lachane basketry is compared to historic Tsimshian, Haida, and Tlingit basketry using different cluster analysis tests and the results clearly indicate a close degree of similarity between prehistoric Lachane and historic Tsimshian basketry. Since Lachane is in the heart of historic Tsimshian territory, these data support a model of Tsimshian cultural continuity. The Lachane cordage analysis demonstrates an emphasis on multi-strand, cedar bark, twisted cords. This is most similar to the cordage technology from the other northern wet site, Axeti, and in contrast to southern Northwest Coast wet site cordage technologies. This may indicate a northern vs. southern style of ropemaking. Both the Lachane basketry and cordage analyses demonstrate the sensitivity of these kinds of artifacts for prehistoric research on the Northwest Coast.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La vannerie et le cordage recueillis au site Lachane fournissent de nouveaux renseignements concernant la préhistoire du nord de la côte Nord-Ouest. On effectue une étude comparative de ces objets en utilisant les caractères (mode), les classes (types) et les catégories fonctionnelles. On compare la vannerie de Lachane à la vannerie historique des Tsimshian, des Haida et des Tlingit en utilisant divers testes d&amp;#39;analyse vectorielle. Les résultats indiquent un degré étroit de similitude entre la vannerie préhistorique et historique des Tsimshian. Comme Lachane est au coeur de l&amp;#39;évolution culturelle des Tsimshian, on en déduit une continuité culturelle. L&amp;#39;analyse du cordage de Lachane souligne l&amp;#39;importance placée sur les cordes tordues à brins multiples d&amp;#39;écorce de cèdre. Ce cordage est similaire à la technique de cordage observée sur un autre site humide septentrional, Axeti, mais se trouve en contraste avec les techniques observées dans les sites humides au sud de la côte Nord-Ouest. Ceci peut indiquer un style, septentrional vs mériodional, de fabrication de la corde. L&amp;#39;analyse de la vannerie et du cordage de Lachane démontre à quel point les objets de cette nature sont utiles à la recherche en préhistoire sur la côte Nord-Ouest.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Croes, Dale</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mark Collard</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Katherine M. Kelly</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuity and Change on the Northwest Coast: Insights from Cladistic Analyses of Perishable and Non-Perishable Artifacts</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">It is clear from wet site archaeological research and from ethnographic collections that artifacts made of wood and fiber regularly comprised over 90% of the material culture of the populations in the Pacific Northwest prior to contact. Yet, because wood and fiber artifacts do not usually preserve well, they have not featured prominently in the efforts of archaeologists to shed light on the ancient history of human settlement in the Pacific Northwest. Rather, archaeologists working in the region have relied heavily on stone, bone-antler and shell artifacts to generate their cultural historical hypotheses. In the study reported here we used cladistic tree-building methods from evolutionary biology to investigate whether the evolution of basketry artifacts mirrors that of non-perishable artifacts. Significantly, the tree derived from the stone, bone-antler and shell data differs from the trees derived from the basketry data. The former cluster sites by traditional phase time periods, whereas the latter cluster sites geographically. This suggests that there was a difference in the transmission of information regarding the manufacture and use of the two groups of artifacts. Ideas pertaining to the artifacts made of stone, bone-antler and shell seem to have been shared widely, whereas ideas associated with the artifacts made of basketry were not. There are several possible explanations for this difference, but ethnographic evidence suggests that it is probably primarily a result of the basketry artifacts playing a role in ethnic identity signaling in a way that the stone, bone-antler and shell artifacts did not.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dale R. Croes</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Northwest Coast Wet Sites: Perishables Revealing Patterns of Resource Procurement, Storage, Management and Exchange</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">When approaching Northwest Coast archaeological data, Don Mitchell&#039;s work often reflects a keen interest in function. As a data base directly applicable to this interest, prehistoric wet (waterlogged) sites have revealed important information concerning the early technologies used in Northwest Coast wild food procurement, storage, management and exchange. Composite wood and fiber harpoons, arrows, atlatls, fishhooks, traps/weirs, pack-baskets, and digging sticks directly reveal past procurement strategies. Functional varieties of storage baskets and wooden boxes can reflect the significance of past food storage practices on the Northwest Coast. Social stratification ethnohistorically promoted management of both the procurement and storage of resources in a community, and prehistoric stratification may be evidenced by the types of textile hats worn by past property owners and managers–nobility versus commoners. And exchange through trade can be proposed by the sensitive style of &#039;foreign&#039; basketry found in wet site contexts.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cross, Sarah</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Death and Life of Site Catchment Analysis</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Site catchment analysis was originally introduced in archaeology as a scale of analysis suitable for studying site location patterns. Its utility in this role has been overlooked by many modern archaeologists largely because of its links with environmental determinism. Until its introduction, archaeologists interested in site location often classified sites by the environmental zone in which they were located. The study of site catchment increased the scale and level of detail available, and created a standardised format for analysis. The significance of this innovation is often overshadowed by the research questions to which it has been linked. In this paper I look at the modifications necessary to make site catchment analysis a useful tool for current archaeology.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christian Crowder</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Importance du contexte et de l&#039;analyse dans la récupération des restes humains</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CROWSHOE, Reg</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jack Brink</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whose Culture, Whose Artifacts? Towards Co-management of the Past</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Abstract Unavailable</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Crucefix, Lanna</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Red Metal: Copper Use in the Middle Archaic</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Old Copper Complex is generally defined as a set of discrete Middle Archaic (5000 to 3000 BP) cultures found throughout the Great Lakes region. The heartland (represented by greatest artifact density) is located in eastern Wisconsin. The primary diagnostic trait of these cultures is the use of native copper fashioned into large, heavy implements that include woodworking, hunting, fishing and food-processing tool forms. Whether their users perceived the copper tools as principally prestige or practical objects is unknown. This paper will utilize replication and experimentation in an attempt to resolve this archaeological puzzle. By determining the differences in the costs of copper tools versus stone equivalents in the areas of resource procurement, manufacturing, use and resharpening/reuse as compared to the relative benefits in terms of time and energy (efficiency), it will be possible to shed some light on whether the copper tools were used in a practical or prestige sphere. This experiment will also generate information concerning optimal parameters of efficient tool use.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrea M. Cuéllar</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pedro P. Funary</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrés Zarankin</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Emily Stovel</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Global Archaeological Theory: Contextual Voices and Contemporary Thoughts</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">111-114</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cunningham, Jerimy</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Going Vertical: Linking Broad and Low Level Theory in Canadian Archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The critical turn in the social sciences has forced archaeologists to reflect on the theoretical structures they use to interpret the archaeological record. In this paper, I argue that archaeologists need to focus more attention on vertical linkages – on the relationships between the high and low level theoretical concepts they use. Through two examples, I demonstrate how untangling these connections can aid on-the-ground research in Canada and allow Canadian archaeologists to contribute more fully to global theoretical debates. First, I will show how Woodland sites from Ontario can be used to address the style debate. Second, I will suggest that last years CAA session, Who&#039;s Asking the Questions? New Directions and Uses for Canadian Archaeology – Part I, demonstrates both the importance and the limits of the postprocessual critique.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerimy J. Cunningham</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Variation and Ethnic Holism: A Case Study from the &quot;Younge-Early Ontario Iroquoian Border&quot; in Southwestern Ontario</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">25</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-027</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Archaeologists have tended to assume that ethnic groups&amp;#39; are holistic; that they form homogeneous, coherent, and discrete social entities. In Ontario, ethnic entities are identified archaeologically through decorative patterns that indicate ethnic affiliation. In this case study, I examine the degree that holism can be identified along the hypothesized &amp;#39;Younge phase Western Basin-Early Ontario Iroquoian&amp;#39; boundary through an analysis of ceramics from the Van Bree site. While ceramic material from Van Bree indicates that a distinct ethnic border probably separated the producers of Younge and Early Ontario &amp;#39;Iroquois&amp;#39; ceramics, it also suggests that these groups did not form holistic social entities that used decorative variation to symbolize their respective ethnic identities.&amp;#39;&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les archéologues ont tendance a voir les &amp;laquo;groupes ethniques&amp;raquo; comme étant holistiques; formant des entités sociales discrètes, cohérentes et homogènes. En Ontario, les entités ethniques sont identifiées à travers les schèmes décoratifs qui indiquent leur affiliation ethnique. Dans le présent cas, nous analysons les vestiges céramiques du site Van Bree afin d&amp;#39;examiner le degré de ce holisme au long de la frontière postulé entre la phase Younge de la tradition Western Basin et la tradition Iroquoienne ancienne de l&amp;#39;Ontario. Les vestiges céramiques du site Van Bree indiquent que même s&amp;#39;il y avait une frontière ethnique distincte qui séparait les producteurs de poterie Younge et &amp;laquo;iroquoienne&amp;raquo; ancienne de l&amp;#39;Ontario, ces mêmes vestiges suggèrent aussi que ces groupes ne formaient pas des entités sociales holistiques qui utilisaient la variation décorative pour symboliser leur identités ethniques respectives.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1+2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerimy J. Cunningham</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Timothy Insoll</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Archaeology of Identities: A Reader</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">254-257</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerimy J. Cunningham</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cautionary Tales to Cultural Translations</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In this paper, I suggest that many of the challenges faced by emerging indigenous archaeologies parallel those encountered by ethnoarchaeology. Archaeology once eagerly anticipated the new perspectives that it assumed ethnoarchaeology would bring to archaeological interpretation. However, as ethnographic knowledge increasingly challenged many of the core tropes of archaeology&#039;s conceptual models, some archaeologists began to critique ethnoarchaeology for what it saw as the production of cautionary tales and trivial knowledge. I argue that at the core of this dispute is a fundamental misunderstanding about the role of &quot;source-side&quot; research in archaeological interpretation and suggest ways that both ethnoarchaeological and indigenous perspectives can contribute to a robust archaeological enterprise.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CUNNINGHAM, Jeremy J.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Use Wear Analysis of Pre-Mazama Lithics from Banff National Park</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Use wear studies are now becoming an important part of the archaeological analysis of stone tools. By using pre-Mazarna lithic materials from three sites within Banff National Park, this paper will demonstrate the application of models in depicting use wear traces, present the study&#039;s findings and its implication on present interpretation of tool usage, and argue for the incorporation of both low and high power techniques in practical lithic studies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerimy J. Cunningham</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ethnicity and the Question of Holism: A Case Study from the Younge - Glen Meyer Border in S.W. Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeologists have tended to assume that &#039;cultures&#039; are holistic: they form homogeneous, bounded and totalizable social entities. These entities are identified archaeologically through &#039;stylistic&#039; patterns that indicate shared learning, information exchange or symbolic manipulation. In this case study, I exam the degree that holism can be identified along the Younge Phase - Western Basin and Glen Meyer &#039;Iroquoian&#039; boundary through an analysis of ceramics from the Van Bree site. Ceramic material from feature clusters identified at Van Bree not only suggests that a distinct ethnic boundary exists between Younge and Glen Meyer people, but also that Glen Meyer and Younge are each different in their degree of holism.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerimy J. Cunningham</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les archéologues canadiens sont-ils mal formés? Caractérisation de l&#039;archéologie à McGill</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jenneth E. Curtis</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">BAIKIE, Gary</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lena Onalik</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Black Island: A 4000 year old Aullâvik near Nain, Labrador</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An aullâvik is a place occupied by Inuit on a regular, seasonal basis for purposes of resource gathering. Today Black Island is a vibrant contemporary aullâvik for Inuit from Nain who maintain their connection to the history and traditions of the island. The archaeological record further attests to the antiquity of this seasonal-use place with Historic Inuit, Dorset Palaeoeskimo, and Maritime Archaic sites. This paper will explore the continuity of seasonal, human occupation on the island through analyses of site locations, cultural features, and artifact collections.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jenneth E. Curtis</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Iroquoian Origins: The View from the Trent</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Two competing hypotheses have been proposed to explain the origins of Iroquoians in the Lower Great Lakes area: migration vs. in situ development. Ceramic assemblages from the Rice Lake-Trent River region in south-central Ontario span the Middle Woodland through Early Iroquoian periods providing an opportunity to explore these hypotheses in some detail. In this paper, the regional ceramic data are evaluated against expectations derived from the migration hypothesis. The data are found to contradict those expectations, demonstrating clear continuity across the Middle to Late Woodland transition in the Rice Lake-Trent River region. This pattern is reinforced by the changes in specific variables along the continuum that represents the adaptation or elaboration of existing attributes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jenneth E. Curtis</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Evidence for Short-Term Resource Procurement Events at the Spillsbury Bay Site, Rice Lake, Ontario</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">73-100</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Small sites, where short-term events may be distinguished, are a valuable part of the archaeological record as they provide resolution at the level of individual events. Such resolution yields insight into the patterning of cultural material and the decisions made by individuals in the past. Excavations at the Spillsbury Bay site, on Rice Lake in south-central Ontario, were conducted with the aim of demonstrating an occupation during the late Middle Woodland period and of exploring the nature of that occupation in terms of settlement, subsistence, and material culture. The results reported here met those objectives and identified the site as a short-term, resource procurement locale, linked to larger base camps within the regional settlement pattern. In terms of subsistence, a shift from shellfish collection to fishing and hunting is evident over time. Artifact clusters also provide the opportunity to explore occupation events and the choices made by individual potters in ceramic manufacture. These choices centred around the visual impression the potter created in decorating a vessel rather than the specific tool used to apply that decoration.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Les petits sites, où les événements de courte durés peuvent être identifiés, constituent une partie importante des données archéologiques car ils fournissent une perspective sur des événements individuels. Cette bonne résolution fournie une vision des schémas de la culture matérielle ainsi que des décisions prises par les individus dans le passé. La fouille du site Spillsbury Bay sur Rice Lake, sud d&amp;rsquo;Ontario, a été faite dans le but de démontrer l&amp;rsquo;occupation de cet endroit pendant le Sylvicole moyen tardif et d&amp;rsquo;explorer la nature de cette occupation vis-à-vis les schèmes d&amp;rsquo;établissement, la subsistance et la culture matérielle. Les résultats que je présente ici ont servi à atteindre ces objectifs et ont identifié le site comme un site du court duré, utilisé pour l&amp;rsquo;acquisition des ressources et ayant des liens avec les sites plus grands (camps de base) dans le schème d&amp;rsquo;établissement régional. Au sujet de la subsistance, un changement au cours du temps allant de la collecte de coquillages vers la pêche et la chasse est évident. Les groupements d&amp;rsquo;artefacts donnent aussi l&amp;rsquo;occasion d&amp;rsquo;explorer les occupations individuelles et les choix faits par les potiers dans la fabrication de la céramique. Ces choix tournent autour de l&amp;rsquo;impression visuelle que le potier a créé en décorant un vase plutôt que l&amp;rsquo;outil utilisé pour créer cette décoration.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jenneth Curtis</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Modélisation des processus d&#039;évolution culturelle grâce à des données archéologiques</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Riddle</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jenneth Curtis</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pierre M. Desrossiers</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ramah Chert: A Lithic Odyssey</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">115-117</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">HUMAN BIOLOGICAL RELATIONSHIPS ON THE NORTH COAST</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A 1992 biological distance analysis of four skeletal samples defined a close relationship between Prince Rupert Harbour and Greenville on the North Coast but emphasized Blue Jackets Creek as a distinct entity. Additional samples, with tests of statistical significance, confirm a cohesiveness of the north mainland coast groups, possibly an indicator of common Tsimshian ancestry to circa 3,000 years ago. In this analysis, the 4,000 year-old skeletons from Blue Jackets Creek remain a separate entity, significantly apart also from later Haida Gwaii inhabitants. The later, historic period samples are closer to those of the prehistoric north mainland coast but maintain a separate identity, possibly reflecting physiographic impediments to contact as well as different ancestral origins.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alan D. McMillan</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ripan S. Malhi</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian M. Kemp</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Harold Harry</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Scott Cousins</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Big Bar Lake Burial: Middle Period Human Remains from the Canadian Plateau</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">55-78</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Collaboration between anthropologists and the Canoe Creek and High Bar First Nations resulted in the excavation and identification of a radiocarbon-dated 5,000-year-old human burial, one of only six Middle Period burials now known from three Canadian Plateau sites. The burial appears to have been an isolated mortuary occurrence but with a pattern of body disposition similar to China Lake (EiRm-7) and Pritchard (EeQw-21). Osteological analysis indicated an elderly female (sex confirmed by molecular testing) with age-related pathological changes. A comprehensive comparative review of known Canadian Plateau human remains, included in this study, revealed an individual of relatively short stature with strongly developed upper limbs. Stable isotope analysis (carbon and nitrogen) pointed to a predominantly terrestrial diet likely based on hunting, with a moderate intake of marine protein, presumably salmon. Testing for mitochondrial DNA indicated haplogroup A, which is widespread in living Native Americans. Comparative mtDNA data suggest long-standing genetic continuity in the Pacific Northwest, but with evidence for a genetically diverse population in existence at 5000 BP.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Une collaboration entre les anthropologues et les Premières nations de Canoe Creek et de High Bar a permis la fouille et l&amp;#39;identification de restes humains datant d&amp;#39;il y a 5000 ans (datation au carbone-14). Il s&amp;#39;agit de l&amp;#39;un des six humains inhumés au cours de la période moyenne découverts à ce jour dans trois sites du plateau canadien. L&amp;#39;inhumation semble avoir été un rite funéraire isolé mais la disposition du corps est similaire à celle des sites de China Lake (EiRm-7) et de Pritchard (EeQw-21). L&amp;#39;analyse ostéologique révèle qu&amp;#39;il s&amp;#39;agissait d&amp;#39;une femme âgée (les tests moléculaires confirment le sexe) subissant des changements pathologiques associés à l&amp;#39;âge. Une étude comparative exhaustive incluant tous les restes humains connus du plateau canadien est comprise dans le présent article et établit qu&amp;#39;il s&amp;#39;agissait d&amp;#39;un individu de taille relativement petite et possédant des membres supérieurs fortement développés. L&amp;#39;analyse par isotopes stables (carbone et nitrogène) révèle une alimentation principalement terrestre, vraisemblablement basée sur la chasse, avec une consommation modérée de protéines marines, probablement du saumon. L&amp;#39;analyse de l&amp;#39;ADN mitochondrial démontre la présence du haplogroup A qui est largement répandu chez les autochtones des Amériques d&amp;#39;aujourd&amp;#39;hui. Les données comparatives de l&amp;#39;ADNmt suggèrent une continuité génétique de longue date dans le Nord-Ouest pacifique, mais il y a aussi des indications de diversité génétique au sein de la population dans la région il y a 5000 ans avant aujourd&amp;#39;hui.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Culturally Induced Tooth Wear Patterns In Prehistoric Canadian West Coast People</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents dental evidence for culturally induced patterns of tooth wear in precontact skeletons of the Prince Rupert Harbour region, British Columbia. In historic times the area was inhabited by the Coast Tsimshian. Two unrelated types of tooth wear were observed over and above that produced by the processes of mastication. In the mandibles of 12 people, including both sexes, the labial surfaces of anterior tooth crowns were polished. The dentine had been exposed in several instances. These wear patterns could be ascribed to the abrasive action of a stone labret. The second type of wear was evidenced by thin linear grooves on the occlusal surfaces of anterior teeth in five mandibles. All bone were those of females. This type of wear may have resulted from using the teeth to soften cedar bark fibres for the weaving of blankets. Among the historic Tsimshian, this art was the exclusive property of women.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert D. Hoppa</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James W. Vaupel</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Paleodemography: Age Distributions from Skeletal Samples</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">158-160</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald E. Howes</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James C. Haggarty</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Morley Eldridge</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An Early Human Skeleton from South-Central British Columbia: Dating and Bioarchaeological Inference</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">5</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">049-059</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Two previously reported early human skeletal remains in Canada are uncertainly dated and immature, precluding useful insights into the physical or biological characteristics of the populations they may represent. An adult male postcranial skeleton from Gore Creek, British Columbia, has been collagen dated at 8250 &amp;plusmn; 115 years B.P. In situ parts were recorded in an alluvial fan deposit, below a volcanic ash lens identified with the Mount Mazana eruption of 6,700 years ago. The clavicle and long bones, metrically and morphologically, suggest a tall, lineal body build, with strong lower limb development, a form often associated with an inland hunting adaptation. The finding might be used to support the construct of a &amp;#39;Protowestern&amp;#39; cultural tradition populating British Columbia from the south in late Pleistocene/early Holocene times.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Deux squelettes humains canadiens, présumés anciens dans la littérature, s&#039;avèrent être des pièces de jeunes individus dont la datation est incertaine. On ne peut donc guère les utiliser pour illustrer les caractères physiques ou biologiques des populations auxquelles ils appartenaient. Par ailleurs, les restes post-cr’niens d&#039;un individu adulte m’le ont été trouvés à Gore Creek, en Colombie-Britannique et ils ont pu être datés à 8250 ± 115 B.P. à partir de leur fraction en collagène. Ces ossements furent découverts in situ dans un dépôt alluvial scellé par des cendres volcaniques qui pourraient être des débris de l&#039;éruption du Mont Mazama qui eut lieu il y a 6700 ans. L&#039;étude anthropométrique de la clavicule et des os longs nous permet de croire qu&#039;il devait s&#039;agir d&#039;un individu grand, longiligne, ayant des membres inférieurs robustes et présentant ainsi une morphologie souvent rencontrée dans les groupes ayant une adaptation à la chasse à l&#039;intérieur des terres. Cette découverte pourrait être positivement utilisée dans l&#039;élaboration d&#039;une tradition culturelle &#039;Protowestern&#039; qui serait venue en Colombie-Britannique à partir d&#039;une latitude plus méridionale à la fin du Pleistocène ou au début de l&#039;Holocène.</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">D. Howes</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">J. Haggarty</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">M. Eldridge</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An early human skeleton from Gore Creek, British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Two previously reported early human skeletal remains in Canada are uncertainly dated and immature, precluding useful insights into the physical or biological characteristics of the populations they may represent. An adult male postcranial skeleton from south-central British Columbia has been collagen dated at 8,250 +/- 115 years B.P. In situ parts were recorded below a volcanic ash lens identified with The Mount Mazama eruption of 6,600-7,000 years ago. The clavicle and long bones, metrically and morphologically, suggest a tall, lineal body build, a form often associated with an inland hunting adaptation. The finding might be used to support the construct of a &#039;Protowestern&#039; cultural tradition populating British Columbia from the south in late Pleistocene - early Holocene times.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Physical anthropology at Owikeno Lake, 1975</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title><tertiary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bioarehaeology Symposium presented at the 8th Annual Meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association, March 6–9, 1975 at Thunder Bay, Ontario</style></tertiary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1975</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">201-210</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">West Coast Mummies</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">I was asked to investigate, for repatriation purposes, the presumed British Columbia aboriginal identity of two mummies from the Niagara Falls Museum. Apparently naturally preserved, they likely originated from the west coast of Vancouver Island. My identifying criteria included evidence for head shaping, comparative skeletal facial morphology, and the presence of skin impressions from woven cedar. Published worldwide surveys of mummies do not include British Columbia, but mummies are known from both Island and mainland sites, and appear in Northwest Coast ethnographic accounts. Burial associations, as known historically, may have encouraged mummification. Cedar, used for wrappings, coffins and charnel houses, contains natural preservatives, and wool blankets, in which bodies often were shrouded, have a high moisture absorbency rate. My analysis was completed with the assistance and cooperation of Golden Chariot Productions, the Canadian Conservation Institute, Canadian Museum of Civilization, Royal B.C. Museum, and First Nations Summit of British Columbia.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Modified Human Bones and Skulls from Prince Rupert Harbour, British Columbia</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1978</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">015-032</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Twelve worked human skull pieces, four altered long bones, and modified skulls and long bones with nine skeletons are described in detail for the Prince Rupert Harbour region, British Columbia. The 25 items, excavated from seven sites, mainly date from 1000 B.C. to A.D. 500. Although three long bones suggest modifications for possible tool use, the majority of items, mainly cranial, apparently lack utilitarian form. Ethnographic references to the ritual use of human corpses and skeletal parts among various coastal British Columbia historic groups suggest that the Prince Rupert Harbour finds may be parallel indicators in the prehistoric record.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Douze fragments travaillés de cr&amp;rsquo;nes humains, quatre os longs artificiellement retouchés ainsi que des cr&amp;rsquo;nes et des os longs modifiés de neuf squelettes trouvés dans la région de Prince Rupert Harbour (C.-B.) sont décrits en détail. Ces 25 éléments, trouvés dans 7 sites différents, datent principalement d&amp;#39;une période allant de 1000 B.C. à 500 A.D. Bien que 3 des os longs suggèrent la possibilité de modifications intentionnelles et utilitaires (outils), la majorité des pièces, surtout cr&amp;rsquo;niennes, ne révèlent apparemment pas de formes utilitaires. Des références ethnographiques à l&amp;#39;utilisation rituelle des corps humains et des parties squelettiques chez plusieurs groupes côtiers historiques de la Colombie-Britannique suggèrent que les découvertes de Prince Rupert Harbour pourraient révéler des comportements parallèles à la période préhistorique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jerome S. Cybulski</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stan WALLAS</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Physical Anthropology at Quattishe</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">We report 1996 fieldwork at Quattishe, the site of an ancient Gusgimukw Kwakwaka&#039;wakw village in Quatsino Sound, northern Vancouver Island. At the behest of the Gku-yau-las Cultural Society, the Quatsino Band authorized an investigation and heritage restoration of variably preserved, vandalized burial houses. Sites and artifacts were documented and human skeletal remains analyzed for historical identification. Collected data allowed inferences about the length of time one of the burial houses had been used, the possible presence of siblings, and evidence for the possible representation of a non-local native woman. Information was obtained on culturally enhanced head shapes and paleopathology. Funding was provided by the Quatsino Band Council, Canadian Museum of Civilization, and Bastion Heritage Group. We were aided by the British Schools Exploring Society and K&#039;leesa Cultural Services.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ashleigh Czyrnyj</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Accessing the past: Sharing the University of Manitoba&#039;s archaeological collections with the public</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological materials are studied, preserved and curated by professionals in trust for the general public; however public access to the results of this work in Canada remains limited. While museums have begun to employ the Internet to provide increased access to their collections, this practice has yet to be embraced by other institutions and organizations housing archaeological materials. This paper discusses the considerations that went into making a subset of the archaeological collections housed at the University of Manitoba available online to the general public and the public response to this effort thus far.</style></abstract></record></records></xml>