<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><xml><records><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Don Abbott</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Implications for Museums</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The new form of Indian-run cultural recovery programmes commonly anticipates the creation of Band museums on the home reserve. So long as these are properly constituted on sound museological principles the major &#039;professional&#039; museums - and university departments which maintain permanent collections - can hardly object. Indeed, these developments conform with recent trends for the larger central institutions to cease competing for collections but rather to encourage and assist local museums specializing in the story of their own communities. Mutual cooperation between large and small museums is a definite advantage to the research interests of the former as archaeologists, for example, have always insisted that full and accurate information is infinitely more valuable than mere objects. In this field major research museums may more and more emphasize their functions as resource and data centres at some expense to their traditional roles centred about collections of &#039;significant objects&#039;.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald N. Abbott</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Burley</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marpole, Anthropological Reconstructions of a Prehistoric Northwest Coast Culture Type</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1986</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">10</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">187-191</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Timothy J. Abel</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rethinking the Iroquoian Occupation of Northern New York</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">45</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">283-302</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Recent Bayesian modeling of new high-precision AMS dates has caused a revision of the Iroquoian chronology of northern New York. The Iroquoian occupation is now estimated to date between AD&amp;nbsp;1425–1520, with no good evidence for developmental precursors in the region. The more than 50 village components in the region must now fit into almost half the temporal span as previously believed. All the settlement clusters now seem to have been contemporary and dual village settlement for some of the clusters now seems likely. For the ceramic seriation to remain true, one of the cluster sequences must be chronologically reversed, having significant implications for its culture history. Finally, while their dispersal from northern New York remains complex, it must be rethought considering the new chronology.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;De récentes modélisations bayésiennes utilisant de nouvelles datations AMS de haute précision ont mené à une révision de la chronologie iroquoienne du nord de l’État de New York. La présence iroquoienne est maintenant datée entre les années 1425 et 1520 de notre ère, et sans aucuns indices liés au développement in situ dans la région. Plus de cinquante sites villageois identifiés dans la région doivent maintenant être placés dans un cadre temporel réduit de moitié par rapport à celui que les archéologues utilisaient auparavant. Tous les regroupements de sites semblent maintenant être contemporains et un mode d’occupation à deux villages contemporains pour certaines concentrations de sites semble probable. Afin de maintenir la validité de la sériation céramique des sites, il faudra inverser chronologiquement une des séquences d’occupation des villages, ce qui implique des changements importants pour l’histoire culturelle de la région. Finalement, bien que la dispersion de ces groupes iroquoiens de la région septentrionale de l’État de New York demeure une question complexe, il faudra la repenser à la lumière de ces nouvelles données chronologiques.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Abel, Tirnothy J.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Petersen Site (33T9) and New Perspectives on the Parker Festooned Ceramic Type in the Lower Great Lakes</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Excavations at the Petersen Site (330T9), located in north-central Ohio, have been under way for the past four years, yielding a wealth of information pertaining to the cultural manifestation believed to be ancestral to the historic Totontaratonhronon. Among the most illuminating of all the site&#039;s wealth has been the ceramic assemblage, which is dominated by over several hundred vessels of the ceramic type Parker Festooned, a hallmark of the Wolf phase. Comparison of this assemblage with those from several sites in the western Lake Erie region has demonstrated a clear seriation for the Parker Festooned type, from its inception to its decline, and to its partial expression in later types of the same cultural tradition. The latter observation have resulted in a hitherto unprecedented understanding of the temporal, spacial, and stylistic dynamics of the Parker Festooned type. From this, a revised type definition is offered, integrating these new understandings and shedding light on seriation problems which have plagued western Great Lakes researchers for decades.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Timothy J. Abel</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adrian L. Burke</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stothers, David M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Protohistoric Transition in the Southwestern Lake Erie Region</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper follows the interpretation of the protohistoric period in the southwestern Lake Erie Basin from Fitting&#039;s &#039;cultural blank&#039; to the present, tracing advancements in understanding brought about by new archaeological data and new methods of metal artifact analysis. Early in the 1980s, metal artifacts from the protohistoric Indian Hills site were subjected to atomic absorption and x-ray diffraction spectrometry which was used to distinguish copper and brass samples. A decade later, more samples from Indian Hills and newly discovered components were subjected to scanning electron microscopy, and initial attempts were made to separate European from native coppers. Most recently, X-ray flourescence has been applied to metal artifacts from both prehistoric and historic components in the region, revealing trends from native to European metal use. A current model of the protohistoric transition within the Sandusky tradition is offered.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert James Stark</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stephen B. Acabado</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marlon M. Martin</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Indigenous Archaeology in the Philippines:  Decolonizing Ifugao History</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2024</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">48</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">177-179</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Acheson, Steven R.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&#039;The Thin Edge . . .&#039;: Evidence for Pre-contact Metal Use and Working on the Northwest Coast</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">There is considerable archaeological evidence for the widespread distribution and use of metal on the Northwest Coast. Despite this, the contemporary literature is relatively silent on the possibility for incipient metallurgy within the region. What is clear, based on both early historical records and surviving ethnographic specimens, is that First Nation peoples had remarkable knowledge of and skill in metal working from the outset of culture contact. This paper reviews some of the evidence for metal use on the Northwest Coast, including an unusual specimen from the southern Queen Charlotte Islands, and implications for the existence of a metal working tradition prior to historical contact.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steven Acheson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aboriginal Rights and Cultural Contact: Paradigm or Platitude? / Droits des Autochtones et contact culturel : paradigme ou lieu commun?</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aboriginal rights fundamentally rest on the notion of traditional use. A series of recent Supreme Court of Canada decisions have underscored this relationship and, in doing so, have forced the question of what constitutes culture contact and what forms of evidence, including archaeological, may assist in the legal determination of aboriginal rights. According to the courts, to qualify as an aboriginal right an activity must be an element of a practice, custom or tradition integral (i.e. a central and significant part) to the distinctive culture of the aboriginal group claiming the right prior to contact with European societies. Date of contact is assumed to be the point at which aboriginal contact with European society was sufficient to have influence on aboriginal culture. This paper critically explores the concept of culture contact as an agency of change by asking the question what constitutes culture contact?</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steven Acheson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alexander P. Mackie</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian D. Sumpter</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Whys and Wherefores of Haida Settlement Distribution: An Examination of Biophysical Influences on Human Settlement in Southern Haida Gwaii</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Previous analyses of settlement data from Gwaii Haanas revealed noticeable differences in the size and number of settlements for the region. Large multi-lineage villages were unlikely to have existed at earlier times on Haida Gwaii and much smaller, widely dispersed settlements were probably the rule for the late pre-contact period. Previous settlement analyses correlated settlement size and location, number and size of houses, the presence or absence of an historical component for all identified &#039;village&#039; sites, combined with consideration of Haida oral traditions and family histories. In this paper we build on previous approaches by integrating an analysis of biophysical variables in relation to settlements and other site types in Gwaii Haanas. The quality of the inventory data, the extensive GIS mapping of marine-edge variables, and the fact these data entirely cover Kunghit territory, provides for an analysis rarely possible in coastal settlement archaeology.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Acheson, Steven R.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Diana E. French</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Plotting Archaeologists or Plotting Sites? An Evaluation of Survey Objectives and Techniques in Selected Areas of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper evaluates how differing project objectives and methodological approaches affect the results of archaeological site surveys. The discussion considers the role of contemporary enviromnental and logistical criteria, as well as theoretical biases, in archaeological interpretation. Two culturally and geographically distinct localities, Meares Island and a section of the Fraser Canyon, British Columbia, arc compared. Analysis dernonstrates the failure of many archaeologists to address these factors in archaeological survey. Explicit recognition of such constraints will generate a more critical and ultimately more constructive means of interpreting archaeological site data.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Steven Acheson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Clonard Bay Point: Evidence of Lanceolate Bifaces in the Queen Charlotte Islands</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1995</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">19</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">141-148</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R.E. Ackerman</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">T.D. Hamilton</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. Stuckenrath</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Early Cultural Complexes on the Northern Northwest Coast</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">195-209</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The occupation of the northern sector of the Northwest Coast during the Early Period (circa 10,000-5,000 BP) is represented by a scattering of sites on the mainland and the off shore islands of the Alexander Archipelago. Definition of the cultural phase (s) is thus far limited to lithic inventories. Information, thus far available, indicates a considerable amount of contact among groups on the coast and continuing relations with interior groups on the mainland. Characterization of the coastal adaptations during this time period will be based mainly on data from archaeological and geological investigations, and from radiocarbon dating of sites in the Icy Strait-Lynn Canal region.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Robert E. Ackerman</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Analogy and Technology: The Problfm of Microblade Use</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1973</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burnaby</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Discoveries of microblades in sites in the Pacific Northwest, Alaska, and Canada have prompted investigators to consider the modes of microblade production. Primary emphasis has been on the identification of microcore types for use as spatial and temporal indicators. As a tentative venture into the problematic area of microblade use, a three fold approach has been taken in this paper: (1) ethnographic analogy - a study of side and end hafted tools from selected ethnographic collections, (2) experimental - use of microblades as end and side hafted tools in working wood and bone, and (3) archeological - analysis of wear patterns on a collection of microblades from a site in southeastern Alaska.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adams, Gary</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">James FINNIGAN</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Northwestern Plains Prehistory Database: A New CRM Tool</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Over the past two years, Parks Canada has commissioned Western Heritage Services Inc. to design and produce a tool to access and analyze Northwestern Plains prehistory through direct access to data. The project was conceived as a management and research tool that would allow users to identify resources within the study area that would relate to a wide variety of questions and management needs. The final product has the capacity to call up information on archaeological sites, historic records, cultural and natural features, and oral traditions, then sort and display textual or cartographic information. This report will outline objectives of the project, summarize how the database works, and discuss some examples of how it will be put to use.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adams, Nick</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&#039;A Great Collection of Indian Relics&#039; from a Destroyed Late Archaic and Early Woodland Mortuary Centre in Eastern Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">During the 1930&#039;s a burial mound and associated domestic sites on the old Wattam farm, near Verona,Ontario, were dug in the search for Indian Relics.A newspaper report from the period indicates that numerous bodies had been buried at this location, and a wide variety of artifacts were discovered during the spadework.Although the burial mound has been totally destroyed and the majority of the Wattam collection is now dispersed, approximately one third of the artifacts are still available for study. Contrary to the picture of intertribal warfare and battles suggested by the newspaper report, analysis of the remaining artifacts indicates a more peaceable and long term use of the area.Artifacts associated with Terminal Archaic Red Ochre, and Early Woodland Meadowood and Middlesex burial complexes have been recognized indicating that this Shield edge site operated as a significant mortuary center over a broad time span.A variety of more utilitarian items from these periods indicates that considerable non-mortuary activity also took place in the area. The findings from the Wattam farm are discussed in the context of, and compared with, mortuary and domestic sites from the surrounding area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ron Adams</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathleen D. Morrison</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laura L. Junker</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Forager-Traders in South and Southeast Asia: Long Term Histories</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">366-369</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adams, Gary</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Site Survey in Grasslands National Park: Site Prediction and Usability Models</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">When surveys produce 1100 prehistorie sites and very little information about them, archaeological analysis becomes a problem. This paper reviews the site information from Grasslands National Park and presents conclusions on how the data can be used in predicting site locations and site relationships. It also demonstrates how cultural resource management principles can be applied to best manage the sites.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adams, Gary</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Getting to Grass</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Grasslands National Park is considering stocking Bison to replicate long term historical grazing patterns instead of current range management practices. This has led to several avenues of research that are focused on grazing habits of bison and their relationship to the park. With over 3000 recorded archaeological sites in the park, potential exists for archaeological data to contribute to the development of that understanding. However, since most recorded sites are simply surface indications and no excavated material or dates have been collected, it is a challenge to find avenues of research that can provide significant information. This presentation summarizes some recent experiments their results where attempts to mine existing data have been undertaken. One experiment was to relate archaeological distribution patterns to deep stratigraphic patterns. This work is progressing conjunction with Drs. Elena and Serguei Ponomarenko. A second experiment was to look at radiocarbon dated sites in the region to search out patterns of bison utilization. Some of the results and data gaps identified in these experiments will be discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adams, Gary</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Niaqulik, History meeting Archaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent salvage excavation of a pair of 20th century sod houses in Ivvavik National Park at Niaqulik, have provided some interesting insights into the interrelationship between archaeology and traditional knowledge. The two houses, both very simply constructed in a traditional style, have provided enough information to make interpretations on who built them, when they were used, and how they fit into the bigger picture of Inuvialuit settlement at the Niaqulik site. This paper will present the results of the excavations and demonstrate how it can be fitted into the North Slope Inuvialuit Oral History project of Murielle Nagy (1994) to integrate the two projects into a more comprehensive understanding of recent history on the shores of the Beaufort Sea.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kristján Ahronson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Scotland, Prehistory, chloroform and cave sites: A legacy of thought</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The idea that caves held significance in later prehistoric and early medieval landscapes has long been mooted, and, in the case of northern Britain, has been driven by the dedicated interests of key figures in the history of archaeology, such as Sir Daniel Wilson and Sir James Young Simpson. These two men were multi-faceted scholars of great significance. In his seminal 1851 publication Archæology and Prehistoric Annals of Scotland, Wilson coined &#039;Prehistory&#039; and brought important ideas from Scandinavian scholarship to Britain and later to Canada. Simpson, in turn, is most widely known for his discovery and advocacy of how to successfully apply chloroform; however, he was also a leader for Scotland&#039;s archaeological community, bringing a wealth of wide-ranging knowledge and fresh perspectives to the field. Following on from Wilson and Simpson, a century and a half of research in Scotland identified cave sites as an aspect of early medieval settlement, and relates these places to the flowering of Gaelic monasticism. Nonetheless, there is a wider context for these sites and the fundamental similarities between early Christian communities across Britain and Ireland are at odds with this northern distribution. By considering the origins of our ideas for early medieval Britain, this paper targets the question of whether our perception of cave use may be skewed by the long history of Scottish interest in the topic. Given his prominence and long career at the University of Toronto, an unresolved question is to what extent Wilson&#039;s ideas affected his perception of cave sites in Canada.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kristján Ahronson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Old World Prehistory and Early Canadian Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2011</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">35</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-017</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Scottish prehistory and Canadian archaeology and ethnology were interdependent for key figures in the history of archaeology, such as Sir Daniel Wilson. One way to assess the nature and extent of interconnectedness of intellectual traditions between the Old and New Worlds is to look to the parallel establishment of national museums, and key questions emerge. The present study therefore looks to (a) ways in which Scottish and wider European impulses have influenced early Canadian archaeological and ethnological collections, such as that of the Geological Survey of Canada, and (b) the extent to which Canadian material culture shaped conceptions of the British and Irish past. Grappling with these topics leads us to be critical of simple colonialist models of ideas and influences emanating outwards from a central core.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pour les personages clés de l’histoire de l’archéologie comme Sir Daniel Wilson, les études archéologiques de l’Écosse étaient liées aux études archéologiques et ethnologiques du Canada. L’établissement en parallèle des musées nationales nous en fournit avec une méthode à caractériser les similarités de traditions de recherche entre l’Europe et l’Amérique du Nord. Par conséquent, cette communication cible deux explorations: 1) à quel point les impulsions écossaises et européenes avaient-elles dirigé les formations de collections archéologiques et ethnologiques, comme celle de la Commission géologique du Canada, et 2) à quel point les études au Canada avaient-elles influencé la pensée à propos du passé en Grande-Bretagne et en Irlande. Lancées sur la piste, ces explorations nous encouragent à critiquer les idées colonialistes simple. Your employment therefore in the New World, amongst the host of ill-understood remains of antiquity there, is to be desired by every one who would wish to see the mysterious questions of the New World cleared up in our own times.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">AITCHISON, Sarah</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Fiction And Fact / Fiction et réalité archéologiques</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In the last 30 years, but at an accelerating rate throughout the 90s, a new genre of literature –archaeological fiction– has become prevalent in bookstores across North America. In these books, authors attempt to reconstruct the lives of past peoples through a fictional narrative, but use an essential base of archaeological data to accomplish this task. However, very few of these authors are archaeologists. This has important ramifications in terms of the accuracy of the material presented, since for a large segment of the general public, these novels and certain sensationalistic TV documentaries are the only contact these people will ever have with archaeology. Questions to be addressed will include: (1) How much archaeological fiction is actually being read by the general public; and (2) How do different groups of people (i.e. literary critics, professional archaeologists, the reading public, ect.) feel about archaeological fiction in general? By answering these questions, and by doing a breif survey of the overall factual accuracy of the literature, I will address the third, and most important question: How well is archaeological fiction actually educating the public about archaeology, and what can be done to increase this level of information?</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aleksa K. Alaica</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mary Weismantel</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Playing with Things: Engaging with Moche Sex Pots</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">131-132</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Trevor J. Orchard</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Umberto Albarella</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mauro Rizzetto</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hannah Russ</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kim Vickers</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sarah Viner-Daniels</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Oxford Handbook of Zooarchaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">287-293</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Benjamin Albouy</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L. Adrien Hannus</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Clovis Mammoth Butchery. The Lange/Ferguson Site and Associated Bone Tool Technology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">43</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">094-097</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Albright, Sylvia</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Working Woman Needs a Good Toolkit</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In response to increased interest in gender issues in archaeology, this paper looks at the action spheres in which women are engaged as tool makers and tool users in hunting-gathering societies. Based on ethnoarchaeological research in northern British Columbia, this paper examines the roles of men and women in subarctic hunting-gathering communities, the kinds of activities they are involved in and the kinds of tools they require for varions tasks. Direct observations on women&#039;s tool making and tool using behaviour help to define the contexts in which the results or remains of these activities are visible in the archaeological record. This research indicates that knowledge obtained from ethnographic and oral history sources can provide new insights and perspectives for interpreting the patterning seen in artifact assemblages and their distribution in archaeological sites.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Albright, Sylvia</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Exploring Evidence of Womens Rituals and Ceremonies in the Thompson River Region of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper explores the archaeological evidence for women&#039;s life cycle rituals and ceremonies among the Nlaka&#039;pamux, based on archaeological and ethnographic data from the Thompson River Region of British Columbia. Research indicates that there are distinct differences between men&#039;s and women&#039;s ritual sites in terms of site locations, material evidence and images produced on pictograph panels.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Albright, S.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ethnoarchaeological investigations of Tahltan fish camps on the Stikine River, northern British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Through the combined use of ethnographic information and archaeological data it has been possible to reconstruct the behavioral patterns related to the formation of prehistoric fishing sites on the Upper Stikine River. In the yearly round of seasonal activities traditionally engaged in by the Tahltan people, Summer fishing villages located along major salmon producing streams were occupied for longer periods of time, by larger groups of people, than other seasonally occupied sites. The intensity and range of activities carried out at these sites render them more visible in terms of archaeological remains. A thorough understanding of the behavioural processes involved in the formation of these sites is considered essential for interpreting their significance within the overall pattern of subsistence strategies and reconstructing cultural history in this area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alexander, D.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Factors responsible for polish on flint woodworking tools</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Woodworking can produce a distinctive polish on the working edge of a stone tool. However the amount of polish varies according to the type of wood modified. Controlled tool-use experiments are used to delineate the chemical and physical properties of wood which cause this differential polish.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aliphat, Mario M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Zacoalco-Sayula Pilot Project</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Zacoalco-Sayula basin is situated near Guadalajara, Jalisco, Mexico. It represents the westernmost enclosed-drainage basin located in the Mexican Volcanic Belt. The region is famous for its paleontological deposits with a remarkable Pleistocene component. The Regional Museum of Guadalajara has among its collections, bone and lithic artifacts belonging to the paleoindian period, the majority reported to have been collected in the fossil gravels of the beaches of Zacoalco- Sayula. The Zacoalco-Sayula Pilot Project 1983(ZSPP)directed by R. Forbis and M. Aliphat, carried out seminal research on the geology, geomorphology, botany and archaeology of the possible context of previous finds (faunal and artifacts), through an interdisciplinary approach that helped to define potential localities for further research and excavation.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ALIX, Claire</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Utilisation du bois dans l&#039;Arctique : le bois de gréve hier et aujourd&#039;hui</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ALIX, Claire</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thule culture adaptation to Eastern Arctic wood availability</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The availability of wood in the Eastern Arctic differs from that in the Western Arctic. The present study contributes to showing how the Thule people, in their eastern migration, adapted their needs and techniques to the new wood availibility patterns they encountered. Wood is more rarely found than in the West; the arrival of driftwood in the East is less predictable and more irregular. The low species diversity in driftwood accumulations makes it more difficult to determine the choices Thule people made during the various stages of wood processing. We sought to identificy and determine the mechanical characteristics of the collected materials in order to understand their selection for specific functions. However, it remains to be understood how far these technical choices were conditionned by ressource accessibility alone.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ALIX, Claire</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carole Stimmell</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">TAKING WOOD TO KNOW MORE ABOUT THULE CULTURE</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Besides J.L. Giddings&#039; work on driftwood, mostly oriented on tree-ring dating(Giddings 1940-60), C.Arnold is the only archaeologist to have stressed the importance of wood for our understanding of Thule culture (Arnold 1994). Except for these, and for D. Lyaendecker&#039;s identifying wood from Baffin Island sites (Meta Incognita Project, Smithsonian Institution), nobody has yet attempted to construct a data base on woods from the American and Canadian Arctic. The reference frame presented will, in the long view, allow us to serve and upgrade our interpretation of archaeological remains. Woods from eight chosen sites add new information even on initial Thule migrations: importance and role of that material. Located along the North Alaskan coast and the Canadian archipelago and excavated at sundry times from the fifties through the eighties, these sites are dated back to the initial stages of Thule culture (Early Thule and Ruin Island phase). The endeavour through the present wood artifact analyses is stayed on cross-linking a). wood availability, collecting patterns, species selection, b). artifact function and needs, and c). artifact manufacture (wood working). Its aim is to get a glimpse on the technical level or traceable behaviour of Thule people. The artifact analyses, including large series of species identification of wooden artifacts found on each site, are concomitantly supplemented and hopefully supported by means of trial runs of neutron activation analyses (in collaboration with C. Stimmell, University of Toronto): the end purpose is to elaborate a methodology to differentiate driftwood from non-driftwood, in order to better understand the collecting patterns of woody materials (local collecting, exchange, special journeys). The preliminary results from an initial testing of driftwood, green wood, dead wood and archaeological wood allow us to assess the types of complexities entailed and more over the &#039;polluting agents&#039; that need be taken into account when interpreting data. All told, the results are promising and exciting.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Louis Allaire</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">George F. MacDonald</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mapping and excavations at the Fortress of the Kitselas Canyon, B.C.</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1971</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">048-055</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Louis Allaire</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">I. Rouse</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Tainos: Rise and Decline of the People who Greeted Columbus</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">17</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">121-122</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allard, Travis</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Laurie Shead</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Reaching Out by Looking In: Interactive Burial</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">There is a clear need for archaeology to reach out to the public. Controversy surrounding the archaeology of human remains continues to cultivate misunderstandings between archaeologists, aboriginal groups, and the public. The following is a proposal for an interactive burial, which will be an innovative and informative tool for interfacing with the public about various perspectives, issues, and questions related to burial archaeology. The interactive CD ROM introduces the basic units and methods of human skeletal analysis and discusses the advantages and disadvantages of each analytical method. Five self-directed fictional burial excavations allow the user to explore various aspects of burial archaeology, including context, preservation, research, and repatriation. Respect for multiple perspectives concerning human remains is emphasized, and other ideas are presented as legitimate and equitable. Highlights include the contribution archaeology makes to the forward progress of knowledge and to a greater understanding of the human condition.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allen, Bill</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les belles plages de la phase Algoma</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patricia Allen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Commodore George Walker at Nepisiguit: Protecting and Preserving An Extraordinary Fragment of 18th C Maritime History</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">For nearly two decades Commodore George Walker was one of the most publicly acclaimed British privateer sea Captains of the mid-18th century. His exploits during war and peace ranged from the Mediterranean to the North Sea to the coasts of North America. In 1763, his ship laden with salt and fishing implements, Walker was determined to start a new life in the trade and fishing industries of Nova Scotia. By 1768 he was successful in establishing a fishing station, shipbuilding site and trading post at Alston Point, Nepisiguit (now Bathurst , New Brunswick). Walker&#039;s trade encompassed the entire Bay of Chaleur and his company shipped a variety of salt fish to the Mediterranean, London and West Indies markets. Through his personality and honest business dealings Walker won the respect of the Acadians, the Mi&#039;kmaq and the few other British who inhabited the Bay. By 1777 war with the revolting colonies saw American Privateers plundering all coastal establishments in British territory. In July of 1778 American raiders destroy the homes and stores of George Walker. The Alston Point property, including the suggested area of the 18th C Walker trading establishment, has recently been declared a Protected Historic site by the Province of New Brunswick.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kathleen M. Sydoriak Allen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ceramic Variability and Social Identity: Applying Ideas about Technical Choices and Chaine Operatoire to Iroquoian Pottery</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ethnoarchaeological research has provided many insights into understanding the causes of ceramic variability in the archaeological record. Among these are those that focus on technical choices and manufacturing processes in relation to social boundaries. The ability to examine what was formerly termed function and style in a more unified way through a consideration of technological style provides new insight into the ways variability in ceramics relates to social and group identities and the process of marking social boundaries (whether intentional or not). Analysis of ceramics from two contemporary early historic Seneca village sites provides a database within which to apply results from several ethnoarchaeological studies. Patterns of technological variability as evidenced in vessel morphology, construction, and decorative techniques are analyzed for evidence of the use of material culture as an expression of social boundaries. While insights into Iroquoian ceramic variability and its causes are gained, problems in identifying appropriate interpretations remain and are discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allen, William</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Akikpautik in the Reconciliation of Worldviews about Archaeological Research</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This presentation provides a case study about Akikpautik, an ancient Indigenous sacred site, fishing and sugaring location on the Ottawa River at Chaudiére Falls. Nineteenth century development has left substantial industrial period archaeological remains on the cultural landscape here, proof of abrupt alteration of the former use of the land and water. The author, as historian and practitioner of Indigenous Archaeology (IA), is working extensively with revered spiritual leader, Dr. Elder William Commanda of Kitigan Zibi, a dynamic descendant of a long line of distinguished ancestors. In search of details about the history and context of Akikpautik, IA is useful. It recognizes both the strengths and limitations of conventional archaeological research, but is open to gleaning site documentary evidence from such sources as wampum, oral tradition, nuances of linguistics and the relationship between the land under study and traditional sacred ceremonies and gatherings. One result of using IA in researching Akikpautik may be growth toward a reconciliation of differing worldviews about the scope of Stage 1 archaeological research, the pre-excavation stage which treats detailed documentary research of the land.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ALLEN, Tana</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadians in Carthage: Explorations at Bir Ftouha</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1992, as part of the ongoing international UNESCO campaign to save Carthage, a team from the University of Alberta led by Dr. J.J. Rossiter undertook a small excavation at the suburban site of Bir Ftouha. Two separate areas of Bir Ftouha had been previously explored by Delattre and P. Gaukler. Delattre published a plan of a triple-apsed room containing a number of sarcophagi. A so-called baptismal font and bath building were also found, although their precise location was never published. Gaukler&#039;s findings of an early Christian basilica were even more sketchily recorded, as no plan or adequate description of the building or its whereabouts was ever published. Despite their close proximity, there seems to have been little interest in determining the nature of the relationship between the two sites. The 1992 project aimed to further investigate this area. A magnetometer survey carried out by a University of Alberta team in 1991 had shown two areas of disturbance: one located near the bath-house complex and another approximately 60 m to the east. Several trenches placed near the bath-house complex revealed part of a building wall and a series of floor surfaces. The latest phase of these features has been tentatively dated to the late 6th or early 7th centuries A.D. Due to limited resources and time, a more thorough exploration of this building was not possible in 1992. Of particular interest in the 1992 excavations were an extensive series of midden pits. The pits contained a dense mixture of pottery and organic remains. The pottery, consisting of local coarse wares, cooking wares, and Islamic glazed wares, bas been provisionally dated to the 9th-11th centuries A.D., or the Early Islamic period. The faunal remains, studied by Michael MacKinnon, suggest that sheep, goat, and cattle formed a significant part of the diet of the inhabitants of the site in its later periods. The ceramic and faunal material is especially important as there has been very little information available about the early Islamic period in Carthage. Further study may suggest that there is greater continuity between the Late Roman and the Early Islamic periods than previously believed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patricia Allen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">SOME PREVIOUSLY UNKNOWN EARLY NEW BRUNSWICK HISTORIC SITES AND OTHER INTERESTING STUFF</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This talk will present a collage of interesting unpublished sites that are on record with the New Brunswick Archaeological Services Branch. All of the sites or artifacts were reported by private land owners or members of the general public. The sites have been visited and recorded as a routine part of our Branch mandate. While most individually reported sites/artifacts can be attributed to a specific historical period or cultural group, some present more questions than they answer.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allen, Pat</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">What Was Lost? A Response From the Northeastern Sector of the Micmac Culture Area</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper will briefly examine archaeological. data that has been gathered from northeastern New Brunswick during the last 20 years. A lot of this data gathering has been done in cooperation with and with assistance from the Red Bank Indian Band, Northumberland County, N.B. A prehistoric Micmac way of life will be suggested for the Miramichi, Nipisiguit and Restigouche River districts (an area encompassing about 1/4 to 1/5 of the total geographic area occupied by the Micmac at the time of contact). There is a clear concentration on anadromous fishing. A semi-permanent village lifestyle is suggested. This interpretation differs significantly from a generalized Woodland economy that was recorded for the Micmac during the historic fur trade.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patricia Allen</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Oxbow Site Revisited</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">During the 1978 and 1979 field seasons, a large area of the deeply stratified Oxbow site from the Miramichi River district of New Brunswick was excavated in 10 cm arbitrary levels. A chronological framework for the Ceramic Period in northeastem New Brunswick was formulated by separating the data recorded into Early, Middle and Late Ceranùc Period indicators. Some early dates and some surprising artifact associations lead some to quesfion the excavation method. In 1984 additional excavations at the site were conducted by natural/cultural levels. The 1984 data from the earliest, middle and most recent cultural levels were found to compare most favourably with the previously published chronological framework. The reinforced framework will be presented with commentary.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allen, Bill</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">No Longer a Terra Incognita</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In the past year several new sites in the central Georgian Bay region of the southern Canadian Shield have been registered in the Ontario database. This region, particularly the interior of the region, previously had numerous Borden blocks with absolutely no registrations. This paper will provide a brief overview of some of the sites and show how, from these modest beginnings, a framework is emerging about possible new issues to be included in the study of the context in which the region&#039;s Archaic peoples and post contact Anishnabeg fishers lived. The presentation will include data about possible correlations of some Archaic sites with ancient lake levels and observations about the importance of the wind and long sight lines, rock features of some sacred sites and reasons for the choice of certain interior travel routes. Slides of LandSat imagery, artifacts and sites will be presented.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allen, Bill</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Malden Gorget, A Cannel Coal Canadian Treasure</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cannel coal is one of the rarest materials in the Canadian pre-contact archaeological record. Delicately incised symbols on the few known artifacts reveal themes that may shed light on ancient spirituality. Conservation of this vulnerable surface detail is necessary to ensure availability of the nuances of symbol design for long term study. At the 2004 CAA conference in Winnipeg Aboriginal leaders and archaeologists from coast to coast examined the Malden Gorget, a cannel coal constricted centre gorget from southern Essex County, Ontario. The presentation in 2005 provides a report on findings about the significance of the artifact based on recommendations from the Winnipeg consultations. The result is a unique case history of the crucial importance of conservation of inscriptions left by ancient ancestors on a cannel coal artifact.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Patricia Allen</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alice R. Kelley</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Frances L. Stewart</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dominique Bérubé</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In Search of Commodore Walker</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1763, shortly following the last events of the Acadian Expulsion in Nova Scotia, former British privateer Commodore George Walker settled on the tip of Alston Point, Nepisiguit Harbour, in Baie des Chaleurs near modern Bathurst, New Brunswick. From all accounts, Walker carried on a thriving fishing, trading and shipbuilding station at Alston Point until the place was destroyed in 1777. Currently, beach erosion, recreational and other human activities have buried, altered or destroyed much of the Points heritage potential. In 2003, the Province of New Brunswick, the City of Bathurst, and the University of Maine, sponsored a Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) survey and archaeological testing project to verify the Walker connection. In one area, GPR identified an unusually compact buried soil horizon that proved to be cultural. Testing in 2005 identified two cultural levels one of which had mid 18th century ceramics associated with bone food refuse. Combined, the geophysical and archaeological test results appear to have located an undisturbed portion of George Walker&#039;s 18th century establishment.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Adam Allentuck</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beyond Linnaean Taxonomy and Towards Alternative Animal Classification in Zooarchaeology</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Peterborough</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Linnaean systematics is based on evolutionary histories, degrees of difference in reproductive biology and biomechanics among animals. The question of whether people in the past also divided their animal worlds along the same lines has not been critically evaluated in zooarchaeological research. Ingold asserts in The Perception of the Environment that meaningful taxonomy can only be attained once we understand how people negotiate their relationships with one another and with their environments. Though Ingold was referring to contemporary societies, this sentiment has not been adopted in zooarchaeological studies of human-animal interactions. Furthermore, the contextual-interpretive theoretical framework has been widely adopted among archaeologists working with traditional forms of material culture, but zooarchaeology continues to be practiced within the essentialist-positivist paradigm that upholds Linnaean taxonomy as immutable. In order to achieve meaningful interpretation of faunal assemblages, I propose that analysis should be founded on a contextually situated folk taxonomy that may or may not relate to our scientific notions of animal classification.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allum, Claire</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Des champs de pétrole du Canada à l&#039;archéologie : la tomographie sismique, outil de recherche archéologique de demai</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allum, Claire</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Home away from Home : the Use of Ranchos by the Chachi Indians and its Implications for Archaeological Research</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1992, as part of an ethnoarchaeological investigation with the Chachi Indians of tropical Northwestern Ecuador, information was collected on the use of small, isolated, but semi-permanent dwellings called ranchos. Located deep in the forest, they are at least an hour walk from the main family houses which congregate along the shores of navigable rivers. Prehistoric occupations have been identified in these distant areas. The semi-permanent nature of these field houses and their seasonal use, calls into question the usual archaeological methods used to determine settlement patterns and population estimates.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Almqvist, Bjarne</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Magnetization Dating of Kirkstead Abbey, Lincolnshire, England: Evidence for Reuse of Roman and Saxon Masonry</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">When rocks containing ferromagnetic minerals are exposed to weak magnetic fields they may gradually acquire a viscous remanent magnetization (VRM) over time. VRM present in limestone and basalt has successfully been used to date medieval buildings relatively, which has led to the development of VRM dating. In conjunction with historical records, pertaining to these medieval buildings, several chronometric curves have been developed in Britain for different limestones. The depositional origin of a limestone will affect its magnetic mineralogy, and thus individual chronometric curves must be established. One such chronometric curve has been developed from VRM dating of the local Jurassic limestone for Bardney and Barlings Abbeys of Lincolnshire, England. Kirkstead Abbey of Lincolnshire, England, is constructed from limestone of the same origin as the two abbeys above, although no previous dating of this building has been attempted. In this discussion, VRM dating results are presented for Kirkstead Abbey. Historical records and the established chronometric VRM dating curve for Bardney and Barlings Abbeys indicate that Kirkstead Abbey was established around AD 1000 - 1200 and likely incorporated reused Roman and Saxon masonry. The chronometric VRM dating curve for Bardney and Barlings Abbeys is evaluated, based on the results obtained from Kirkstead Abbey. It is suggested that further study, with collection of empirical data, is needed for continued development of VRM dating aimed at understanding the underlying causes for VRM development in archaeologically important rocks.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christopher J. H. Ames</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Julien Riel-Salvatore</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Benjamin R. Collins</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Why We Need an Alternative Approach to the  Study of Modern Human Behaviour</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">021-047</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;In this paper we review recent developments in the debate over the emergence of modern human behaviour (MHB) to show that despite considerable diversity among competing models, the identification of given material traits still underpins almost all current perspectives. This approach, however, allows assumptions over the biological relationship between archaic and modern humans to permeate the definitions of MHB and, as a result, has effectively stultified archaeology&amp;rsquo;s potential contribution to the issue. We suggest that the concept of MHB as currently defined is flawed. It must either be redefined in strictly behavioural terms before reincorporation into the debate over modern human origins or, more productively, discarded all together to avoid the harsh and unrealistic dichotomy it creates between a modern and non-modern archaeological record.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cette étude présente une synthèse des avancées récentes dans la recherche sur l’origine du comportement moderne afin de démontrer que, malgré une diversité superficiellement substantielle entre les divers modèles, l’approche fondamentale qui les sous-tend presque tous reste ancrée dans l’identification de certains traits dans la culture matérielle des populations paléolithiques. Nous soulignons que cette caractéristique peut être problématique puisqu’elle permet à des présuppositions au sujet de la nature des relations biologiques entre humains modernes et archaïques de s’insinuer dans la définition du comportement moderne, ce qui réduit la contribution potentielle que l’archéologie pourrait apporter à la question. Il semble donc raisonnable de conclure qu’en l’état présent des choses, le concept-même de ‘comportement moderne’ est insatisfaisant. Nous suggérons ici que le concept de comportement moderne doit être soit redéfini sur des bases strictement comportementales ou, mieux, complètement abandonné afin d’amenuiser l’impact conceptuel de la dichotomie rigide qu’il impose entre les données archéologiques considérées ‘modernes’ et celles considérées non-modernes.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth M. Ames</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daryl W. Fedje</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rolf W. Mathewes</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Haida Gwaii: Human History and Environment from the Time of Loon to the Time of the Iron People</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">302-306</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth M. Ames</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ronald F. Williamson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Michael S. Bisson</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A History of Archaeological Thought (Second Edition) (Bruce G. Trigger) and The Archaeology of Bruce Trigger</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2008</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">128-134</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ames, K.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Towards a general model of social differentiation among foragers</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">I have recently proposed a model for the development of rank on the northwest coast of North America that rests on the postulate that social hierarchies arise as a result of increasing constraints on systemic responses to environmental changes. Applying that model to data from both the west and east coasts produces results which support a conclusion that social differentiation must be regarded not only as a result of change, but as a process as well, equal in importance to population growth, sedentarization and subsistence intensification.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ken Ames</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William C. Prentiss</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ian Kuijt</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Complex Hunter-Gatherers: Evolution and Organization of Prehistoric Communities on the Plateau of Northwestern North America</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">29</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">289-292</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christopher J. H. Ames</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">André Costopoulos</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin D. Wren</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8,000 Years of Technological Change in the Gulf of Georgia: Is There a Major Transition at 4850   cal  B.P.?</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2010</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">34</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">32-63</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Over the past 8,000 years on the southwest coast of British Columbia there is a transition from assemblages dominated by chipped stone to assemblages that include more ground and polished stone, bone, and antler. In this study, we combine the plentiful data being produced by archaeological consultants and archived in provincial reports with that of more traditional academic sources to assess the nature of the documented transition and specifically determine if there is a major transition ca. 4850 cal B.P. as suggested by Moss et al. (2007). Our results show that not only is there a major transition between 5000 and 4500 cal B.P. but the long-standing conception of a gradual replacement of assemblages dominated by chipped stone to ones dominated by ground stone and faunal tools is inaccurate.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Au cours des 8,000 dernières années de la préhistoire sur la côte sud-ouest de la Colombie-Britannique il y a eu une transition technologique des assemblages, initialement composés principalement d&amp;rsquo;outils de pierre taillée, vers des assemblages composés de pierre polie, d&amp;rsquo;os et d&amp;rsquo;andouiller. Dans cette étude, nous combinons les données produites par les firmes archéologiques avec des sources académiques et des rapports provinciaux archivés, pour évaluer la nature et la chronologie de cette transition. Les conceptions actuelles d&amp;rsquo;une transition uniforme et progressive d&amp;rsquo;assemblages dominés par la pierre taillée vers les assemblages dominés par la pierre polie sont inexactes. La transition se produit vers 4850  cal  B.P. comme le suggèrent Moss  et  al. (2007).&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth M. Ames</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Aubrey Cannon</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Structured Worlds: The Archaeology of Hunter-Gatherer Thought and Action</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2012</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">36</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">337-339</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth M. Ames</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrew Martindale</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rope Bridges and Cables: A Synthesis of Prince Rupert Harbour Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">140-178</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Prince Rupert Harbour is a flagship region in Northwest Coast prehistory with resonance across the archaeological world as an epitome of the development of hunter-gatherer-fisher social and political complexity. It is so because of the harbour&amp;rsquo;s extraordinary archaeological record, its long history of archaeological research, and most importantly, the Coast Tsimshian people and their deep and abiding commitment to their history and their oral record of it, the adawx. There is however a chasm between history as narrated archaeologically and as narrated by Coast Tsimshian scholars. A crucial on-going effort of archaeological research in the harbour has been to build bridges of inference to span that chasm. We review the history of archaeology in Prince Rupert Harbour to argue that a synthesis of this divergence is possible. However it requires resolving three recurring challenges to spanning this divide: 1) sampling issues, 2) the diversity of theoretical approaches in archaeology and 3) the complexity of the historical subject, the scope of which is visible to us via the adawx. These challenges face archaeologists working anywhere but may be most pressing where archaeologists and Native scholars are actively working to span the divide.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Le port de Prince Rupert est une région phare dans la préhistoire de la cote Nordouest. Cette région a une résonance à travers le monde archéologique comme une example classique de l’évolution de la complexité sociale et politique dans les societies chasseurs-cueilleurs-pêcheurs. Il en est ainsi grace au record archéologique extraordinaire de du port, à sa longue histoire de la recherche archéologique, et plus important encore, le people du Cote Tsimshian et leur engagement profond et constant dans leur histoire et de leur archive orale: la adawx. Il existe cependant un abime entre l’histoire racontée dans la recherché archéologique et celui des chercheurs Cote Tsimshian. Un effort essentiel de la recherche archéologique dans le port a été de construire des ponts d’inférence pour enjamber cette abime. Nous effectuons un compte rendu de l’histoire de l’archéologie dans le port de Prince Rupert pour faire valoir que la synthèse de cette divergence est possible. Mais afin de le faire, il est essentielle de résoudre trois défis récurrents: des problemes d’échantillonnage, la diversité des approches théoriques en archéologie et de la complexité du sujet historique. La portée de ce dernier nous est visible par l’intermédiaire du adawx. Ces défis confrontent les archéologues partout au monde, mais est peut-être plus urgent où les archéologues et chercheurs autochtones travaillent activement pour enjamber l’abime.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kenneth M. Ames</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Timothy R. Pauketat</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Chiefdoms and Other Archaeological Delusions</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2009</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">33</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">115-118</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Amsden, C.W.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Camps and Sites in Settlement Pattern Reconstruction: The Nunamiut Case</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">As archaeologists have devoted increasing attention to settlement patterns of hunting peoples, one class of variables which seem to have been neglected concerns patterns of re-occupation of individual sites. This paper presents the results of an initial attempt to analyze site re-occupation patterns of one group–the Nunamiut Eskimos of northem Alaska. A total of 257 habitation camps (occupations) at 130 different sites are examined in relation to several environmental and temporal categories. These occupations span the period between 1898 and 1959 and were recorded through ethnographic techniques. Two questions are asked: What were the major factors influencing site re-occupation? In what ways, if any, would the archaeologist be misled in reconstructing this settlement system on the basis of site counts alone? The answers to these questions are considered in terms of their implications for settlement pattern analysis.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lindsay Amundsen-Meyer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Blazing the Trail: Geographic Information Systems Analysis of the Old North Trail</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">145-178</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Old North Trail was the main north-to-south link running along the eastern flank of the Rocky Mountains, within the homeland of the Blackfoot people. While travelling along this trail, human groups stopped at resource patches and important landmarks, leaving evidence of their passing in the form of archaeological sites. This paper examines the historical and archaeological evidence for the Old North Trail and discusses use of leastcost path analysis within a geographic information system framework to model the route of the trail. Where differences exist between the location of least-cost paths and the course of the Old North Trail, the “pull” factors that may have drawn human groups away from the most efficient route across the landscape will be explored. This analysis suggests there was a sacred dimension to this landscape, with features of ecological and ideological importance affecting human movement through the region.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;L’ancienne piste du Nord (Old North Trail) était le lien principal entre le nord et le sud et parcourait le flanc ouest des Rocheuses, sur les terres ancestrales du peuple des Pieds-Noirs. Au cours de leurs voyages le long de cette piste, divers groupes d’humains s’arrêtaient là où ils trouvaient des ressources et des sites importants, laissant à ces endroits des traces de leur passage, endroits qui sont devenus des sites archéologiques. Cet exposé examine les preuves historiques et archéologiques sur l’ancienne piste du Nord et présente l’utilisation de l’analyse du trajet à moindre coût dans le cadre d’un système d’information géographique, qui permet une modélisation du parcours de la piste. Là où il existe des différences entre le trajet à moindre coût et l’ancienne piste du Nord, des facteurs d’attraction pourraient avoir attiré des groupes d’humains en-dehors du trajet le plus efficace. Ces facteurs d’attraction sont considérés dans cet exposé et leur analyse suggère qu’il peut y avoir une dimension sacrée au paysage, comportant des caractéristiques d’importance écologique et idéologique qui ont affecté les déplacements humains à travers la région.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lindsay M. Amundsen-Meyer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nature versus Culture: A Comparison of Blackfoot and Kayapó Resource Management</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">219-247</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Smith (2011a) proposed a model of environmental engineering which includes six discrete categories of resource management believed to be universal within small-scale, pre-industrial societies. Through examination of the resource management practices of the Kayapó in the Amazon Basin and the Blackfoot on the Northwestern Plains, this paper will test the validity of Smith&amp;rsquo;s model. The evidence presented will show that, with slight variations due to differences in mobility, Smith&amp;rsquo;s model is largely appropriate. Additionally, although the management and use of &amp;ldquo;wild&amp;rdquo; or semi-domesticated resources is often seen as a step on the road to agriculture, resource management and the domestication of landscape can, in fact, be a specifically chosen subsistence strategy in and of itself. This type of resource management can also continue after agriculture has been adopted by a group, particularly if wild species continue to be an important part of a group&amp;rsquo;s subsistence regime.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Smith (2011a) a proposé un modèle d’ingénierie environnementale comprenant six catégories distinctes de gestion des ressources que l’on pense avoir été universelles au sein des sociétés préindustrielles à petite échelle. Au moyen d’un examen des pratiques de gestion des ressources des Kayapós du bassin de l’Amazone et des Pieds-Noirs des Plaines du Nord-Ouest, cet article se propose de tester la validité du modèle de Smith. Les données présentées démontreront que, malgré quelques variations dues aux différences dans la mobilité, le modèle de Smith est tout à fait pertinent. En outre, bien que la gestion et l’utilisation de ressources « sauvages » ou semi-domestiquées soient souvent considérées comme une étape sur la voie de l’agriculture, la gestion des ressources et la domestication du paysage peuvent être, en fait, une stratégie de subsistance délibérée en elle-même et pour elle-même. Ce type de gestion des ressources peut également se poursuivre après que l’agriculture ait été adoptée par un groupe, en particulier si des espèces sauvages continuent de représenter une part importante de son régime de subsistance.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L.J. (Butch) Amundson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David Meyer</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Occupation planoenne tardive au site de St. Louis, FfNk-7, dans le centre de la Saskatchewan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Amundson, Leslie J. (Butch)</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Belinda Riehl-Fitzsimmons</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A Snapshot in Time: The As-Found Recording of the Leonard Homestead in Southwestern Saskatchewan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In November 2004, Stantec archaeologists conducted an as-found recording of the Leonard homestead (EaNu-21) near Swift Current, Saskatchewan. Initial observations indicated the homestead had perhaps been abandoned in the early 1940s, its owners departed, leaving personal items behind. Our detailed return visit, including extensive mapping and photography along with a thorough examination of the artefacts, revealed another story. The later life of an elderly bachelor and his association with the former owners is told through the material culture dating from the 1930s through to the early 1960s.Through the use of technologies such as electronic 3-point provenience mapping and geographical information systems (GIS), we were able to reconstruct the physical dimensions of the house. Dendrochronological analyses provided us with building repair and addition construction information. A digital photographic artefact catalogue was created to represent artifacts not collected (n=242).The reconstruction of the physical structures and the study of the artefactual remains enables us to more fully understand family and farming life on the Saskatchewan prairies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Amundson, Leslie J. (Butch)</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Enns-Kavanagh, Kristin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Submerged Cabin (GiMo-1) Investigation at Neil Island, Churchill River, Saskatchewan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In September 2004, a team of archaeologists and divers visited Neil Island on the Churchill River in eastern Saskatchewan, on behalf of the Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation. Cree Elders at Sandy Bay, Saskatchewan had long told stories of the inundation of several cabins, after construction of the Island Falls Dam in 1930. In the spring of 2004, Dale Russell gathered these oral histories and, using archival documents, maps and photographs, was able to suggest where we might find submerged evidence of these cabins as well as the remains of cabins not submerged by the flood. Using Dale&#039;s evidence we chose the dive location just off the west shore of Neil Island and testing locations on the island for the land-based study. We recovered two axe-notched logs, four rough-hewn planks and a copper and tin kettle from the lake, exactly where the oral tradition indicated we would. The testing on the island also revealed evidence of the reported cabin. Fresh from retrieving this evidence, we attended a feast with eight Elders of Sandy Bay, who filled us in on the details of who lived on the island and what life was like at the time. Tree-ring analyses suggest that one of the notched logs was cut down in 1918, further adding to the veracity of the oral tradition.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Amundson, Leslie J.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Defining a Cultural Landscape of Stone Features in the Neutral Hills of Saskatchewan / Détermination d&#039;un paysage culturel d&#039;objets d</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">During an oilfield survey in 1996 we encountered 33 stone features sites in a 436 ha area (one site per 13 ha). The sites are composed of solitary stone cairns, multiple stone cairns, solitary stone circles, multiple stone circles and combinations of stone cairns and stone circles. Some of the stone cairns are eccentric in form. Others are arranged in rows and broad arcs. Stone cairns occupy the highest hills while stone circles are more common on saddles between hills. Some sites may be related to bison rubbing stones. This area poses questions about the definition of a cultural landscape and the challenges of resource management in the context of oilfield development.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L.J. (Butch) Amundson</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thomas F. King</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thinking About Cultural Resource Management: Essays from the Edge</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">151-153</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Amundson, Leslie (Butch)</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Napaw Sipik Site (FiMq-2): A River House Complex Occupation in Eastern Saskatchewan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Napaw Sipik Site, (FiMq-2) is a campsite near the Man River in eastern Saskatchewan, where Highway 55 between Nipawin and The Pas now crosses the river. The artifacts, features and apparent brief and singular nature of the occupation suggest a seasonal base camp placed to exploit a specific set of resources including but likely not restricted to the lithic raw materials in the cobbles of the Man River channel. If Areas 2 and 3 were occupied simultaneously, we can infer a multiple family habitation as indicated by the variety of activities reflected in the assemblage and the possible presence of a lodge. Area 2 was occupied between A.D. 830 and 910 (Beta-168249). Napaw Sipik is, therefore, a contemporary of the earliest components of Meyer&#039;s (2002) River House Complex (A.D. 900 to 1300). Like other sites of the River House Complex, Napaw Sipik contains net-impressed and Laurel type (Rollans et. al. 1993) pottery, triangular flake and Late Side-notched points and lacks Avonlea points. The results of this study and future research opportunities with this collection or excavations outside the impact zone, may provide evidence to rise to Meyer&#039;s &#039;significant interpretive challenges&#039; regarding the inclusion of Avonlea style pottery in some River House assemblages (Meyer 2002). Of particular is that the Napaw Sipik site in the centre of Meyer&#039;s River House culture area and ideally located to provide evidence to questions of the movement of forest and prairie peoples around the turn of the last millennium.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anaya-Hernandez, Armando</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Potential Modelling in North Eastern British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Potential Modelling through the application of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) is increasingly gaining popularity in the archaeological and business communities as an efficient cost-effective way to manage and protect the cultural heritage. However, since for the most part the variables used are environmental (e.g. aspect, slope, elevation, distance to water) the greatest challenge that the modeller faces is related to the quality of data entered to produce the digital surfaces on which the spatial analysis will be based.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Douglas D. Anderson</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Athapaskans in the Kobuk Arctic Woodlands, Alaska?</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title><tertiary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Symposium on Northern Athabaskan Prehistory</style></tertiary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1970</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">003-012</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anderson, J.E.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Study of Skeletal Populations</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1968</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The evidence provided by the skeletons may contribute greatly to our understanding of the people who inhabited an archaeological site. Two particular aspects of study will be discussed and illustrated: 1. The incidence of inherited skeletal variations may be used to establish the biological relationship of populations and to determine microevolutionary trends. 2. The pattern of bone and tooth disease bears a close relationship to diet and other ecological factors.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anderson, Kirsten</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Burke, Ariane</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pour une définition plus précise des niveaux culturels à Karabi Tamchin : approche quantitative de l&#039;analyse spatiale verti</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2003</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hamilton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arthur W. Anderson</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Brian Hayden</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Understanding Chipped Stone Tools </style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">194-195</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anderson, Dennis E.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lake Agassiz Archaeology in Saskatchewan</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1968</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">During 1965, 1966 and 1967, the Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, has been conducting an environmentally-oriented archaeological research program involving survey-reconnaissance and test-excavation of prehistoric cultural deposits in areas of Saskatchewan that were contiguous to glacial Lake Agassiz. These studies have been generously supported by the National Museum of Canada and the National Research Council, and carried out under the supervision of Dr. Zenon S. Pohorecky, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon. Developing from Laurentide meltwater ponding with the late Wisconsin retreat stage about 12,000 years ago, glacial Lake Agassiz reached its maximum extent about 2000 years later, inundating a considerable area of Manitoba, and lesser areas of Saskatchewan, Ontario, Minnesota, North and South Dakota. During this maximum period (10,000 years ago), a channel of the lake literally cut Saskatchewan in half, extending from the Porcupine Hills in the east to the Clearwater River in the west. By 8000 years ago, Agassiz flood waters had receded from most of Saskatchewan, leaving remnants of its past in the form of beaches, shore scarps and other lacustrine deposits, The geographical area of our interest involves approximately one-third of the land area of Saskatchewan, and includes not only the actual lacustrine deposits, but drainage basins relatable to Lake Agassiz. To the end of the 1967 field season the focus of our archaeological activities has been toward east-central Saskatchewan. In the south, survey-reconnaissance and test-excavation has been conducted in the following regions: Kamsack, Porcupine Hills, Hudson Bay, Pasquia Hills, Porcupine Plaine-Bjorkdale, Tisdale, Melfort, Carrot River, Nipawin, Cumberland House andPrince Albert. Brief investigations of more northerly areas have resulted inthe excavation of the single-component Kitsakie Site on Dominion Island inLac La Ronge and the recording of several other ceramic sites on DeschambaultLake. These regions have yielded some 600 archaeological sites, includingflint quarries and primary lithic industrial centers (located on the outer shorelines of Lake Agassiz), secondary workshop sites (usually located outside the Agassiz lake basin), temporary and semi-permanent campsites of a seasonal nature, and what we have termed &#039;Prehistoric Highways&#039; or local migration routes. A relatively rich historic Indian burial was salvaged from a site located along the Red Deer River east of the town of Hudson Bay, Saskatchewan. The palaeo-cultural materials that have been derived from 3 seasons of investigation of the lake shorelines and areas peripheral to the outer lake margins are complex and involve a considerable temporal span. No less than 25 cultural complexes appear to be represented, tentatively spanning the period from approximately 12,000-11,000 years ago to the present. From its initiation, this research program has been environmentally oriented. It is our view that a sound interpretation of the palaeo-cultural record is dependent in large part on the eventual reconstruction of the correlative palaeo-environments. Through such a correlation, it may be possible at least partially to determine the &#039;cultural choices&#039; that were available to these early aboriginals, and to understand more fully the cultural dynamics of the human groups who inhabited this area.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacob M. Anderson</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lisa M. Hodgetts</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pre-Dorset Technological Organization and Land Use in Southwestern Hudson Bay</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2007</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">31</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">224-249</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper uses lithic analysis to investigate late Pre-Dorset stone-tool reduction strategies and land-use patterns in the islands of southwestern Hudson Bay in order to improve our understanding of Pre-Dorset lifeways in this &amp;quot;peripheral&amp;quot; region. We examine debitage and formal stone tools from the Burton Rock site (IeKn-12) to explore how the &amp;quot;atypical&amp;quot; large stone woodworking tools at the site were integrated within the more &amp;quot;typical&amp;quot; Pre-Dorset small tool technology. Our analysis suggests that, contrary to our expectation, both chert and pyroclastic rock were in short supply, and the use of pyroclastic rock for the large tools likely relates to nodule size rather than overall availability of the raw materials. Formal tools from Burton Rock are also compared to those from the nearby and roughly contemporaneous Seahorse Gully site in order to determine whether activities at Burton Rock were typical of late Pre-Dorset sites in the area. Tools for processing hard organics and for hunting predominate at both sites, indicating a similar range of activities and suggesting a high degree of consistency in the use of these islands in late Pre-Dorset times.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Dans cet article, nous utilisons l&amp;#39;analyse lithique pour étudier les stratégies de réduction d&amp;#39;outils en pierre taillée ainsi que les schémas d&amp;#39;utilisation du territoire durant le Prédorsétien récent sur les îles du sud-ouest de la baie d&amp;#39;Hudson dans le but d&amp;#39;améliorer notre compréhension des modes de vie au Prédorsétien dans cette région dite &amp;laquo;_périphérique_&amp;raquo;. Nous examinons les restes de débitage et les outils en pierre du site Burton Rock (IeKn-12) pour établir comment ces grands outils en pierre &amp;laquo;_atypiques_&amp;raquo;, destinés au travail du bois, ont été incorporés à la technologie microlithique &amp;laquo;_typiquement_&amp;raquo; prédorsétienne. Notre analyse suggère que, contrairement à ce que nous pensions, le chert et la pierre pyroclastique étaient rares dans la région et que l&amp;#39;utilisation de la pierre pyroclastique pour la fabrication de grands outils est vraisemblablement liée à la taille des nodules plutôt qu&amp;#39;à la disponibilité de la matière première. Les outils en pierre de Burton Rock sont aussi comparés à ceux de Seahorse Gully, un site situé près de Burton Rock et à peu près contemporain, pour déterminer si les activités pratiquées à Burton Rock étaient, bel et bien, typiques des sites du Prédorsétien récent dans la région. Les outils utilisés pour la transformation de matières organiques dures et pour la chasse prédominent sur les deux sites, ce qui indique un même éventail d&amp;#39;activités et suggère un haut degré de cohérence dans l&amp;#39;utilisation de ces îles pendant le Prédorsétien récent.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anderson, Kirsten</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gerald Oetelaar</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Third Dimension in Archaeological Spatial Analysis: Vertical Definition of Occupation Layers at the Stampede Site, DjOn-26</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological investigations typically involve the meticulous recording of artefacts in three dimensions for the generation of both horizontal and vertical profiles. In situations where site stratigraphy is complex, the distinction between individual occupation levels can be difficult. Periodic flooding at the Stampede site in Cypress Hills, Alberta, has resulted in vertical separation between occupation levels, offering a rare opportunity to evaluate the distribution of archaeological materials in three dimensions. While occupation levels are clearly distinguishable throughout the site, vertical separation remains difficult in some areas. A Geographic Information System (GIS) is applied to a three-dimensional intra-site spatial analysis of artefact and bone distributions from three occupation layers at the site. The K-means statistical clustering method is used to identify and interpret the vertical distribution of archaeological materials from three closely spaced occupation layers in paleosols 6, 7 and 8. The results of this analysis demonstrate the utility of the combined application of K-means cluster analysis and GIS as a means of testing the integrity of archaeological levels when the slope is minimal. However, post-depositional disturbances such as wall slumping have had considerable impact on the natural distribution of artefacts, posing an interesting problem for spatial investigations. Continued research and future spatial analysis will require careful consideration of the problems identified in this research.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anderson, Kirsten L.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gerald A. Oetelaar</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Hers and His: Exploring the Spatial Distribution of Artifact Assemblages in a Structured Domestic Context</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In an earlier study, one of us developed and tested a model on the structure and symbolism associated with the organization and use of space inside tipis. Although the spatial arrangement and distribution of portable artifacts was used to infer a segregation of space based on gender, the nature and distribution of the assemblages were not explored to any great extent. The objective of the present study is to compare and contrast the nature and spatial distribution of tools and debris through the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS). These data will be used to evaluate the spaces previously identified as the women&#039;s and men&#039;s halves of the lodge. The results of the analysis provide interesting insights on the distribution of lithic implements used and maintained by men and women occupying the lodge. The assemblage of debitage and bone fragments also provides new information on the nature of activities performed in this structured domestic context.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andreasen, Claus</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Independence II and Early Dorset in North- and Northeast Greenland</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper will present some data on the occurrence of Late Pre-Dorset/Early Dorset in North and Northeast Greenland as elucidated by fieldwork during recent years. It has been one of several questions whether the data reveal one or several migrations and/or cultural meetings between a Late Pre-Dorset group and an Early Dorset group. The material does not yet answer such questions, although there may be some indications that two or more groups are responsible for the roughly contemporaneous material found in this High Arctic area. The paper will present spatial data on this period (the Independence II period) and discuss some of the traits which indicate the presence of different traditions.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ANDREWS, Tom</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ida (Down the Middle): Dogrib Traditional Knowledge and Heritage Resources Inventories</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Recent archaeological research conducted by the Prince of Wales Northem Heritage Centre has concentrated largely on completing heritage resource inventories of various regions of the Northwest Territories for which the archaeological record is poorly understood. Collaborative research with local communities has proven to be an effective way for eliciting information pertinent to past use of these landscapes. This paper discusses initial results of a three year inventory project conducted in collaboration with the communities of Rae Lakes and Rae, which used Dogrib traditions (oral narrative, subsistence strategies and place names) relating to a canoe and dog sled trail as a basis for determining field reconnaissance strategies.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thomas D. Andrews</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Margaret M. BERTULLI</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Native Claims and the Future of Archaeological Research in the N. W. T</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The recent enactment of settlement legislation for the Gwich&#039;in, Inuvialuit and Nunavut land claim areas has altered the political reality of archaeological research in the Northwest Territories, requiring new relationships between researchers and claimant groups. This paper surveys the settlement legislation as it pertains to heritage resource management and through an examination of recent collaborative research projects constructive avenues for future research.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thomas D. Andrews</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jack W. Brink</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Using retroReveal as a Complement to DStretch for Enhancing Red Ochre Pictographs</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2022</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">46</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-015</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The web-based program retro­Reveal has been used primarily for providing improved visibility of documents with faint text, including stamps, currency, music, and so forth. It has yet to be used to its full potential by archaeologists interested in rock art. The plugin DStretch, used on the ImageJ platform, has been the standard for enhancement of faint red ochre rock art images. We introduce retroReveal as a supplement to photographic investigation through comparison of images from four rock art sites in Alberta, Canada. Processing photographs with the two techniques typically yields comparable results, but often with slight differences. In a few cases, retroReveal makes certain features more apparent than is the case with DStretch; in other instances, the opposite is true. Other positive and negative aspects of the two techniques are discussed. Experiments with black pictographs indicate that retroReveal does not perform satisfactorily with these images. Overall, our results indicate that retroReveal should be added to the toolkit for illuminating painted rock art images.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Le programme en ligne retroReveal a été utilisé principalement pour améliorer la perception des documents faiblement visible, notamment les timbres, la monnaie, la musique, etc. Il n&#039;a pas encore été utilisé à son plein potentiel par les archéologues intéressés par l&#039;art rupestre. Le plugin DStretch, utilisé sur la plateforme ImageJ, a été la norme pour l&#039;amélioration des images d&#039;art rupestre à l&#039;ocre rouge. Nous présentons retroReveal comme un complément à l&#039;investigation photographique en comparant des images provenant de quatre sites d&#039;art rupestre en Alberta, Canada. Le traitement des photographies avec les deux techniques donne généralement des résultats comparables, mais souvent avec de légères différences. Dans quelques cas, retroReveal rend certaines caractéristiques plus apparentes qu&#039;avec DStretch; dans d&#039;autres cas, c&#039;est le contraire. D&#039;autres aspects positifs et négatifs des deux techniques sont discutés. Des expériences avec des pictogrammes noirs indiquent que retroReveal ne fonctionne pas de manière satisfaisante avec ces images. Dans l&#039;ensemble, nos résultats indiquent que retroReveal devrait être ajouté à la boîte à outils pour le traitement des images peintes d&#039;art rupestre.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Andrews, T.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">King Edward Spit-West: small sites and the late prehistoric occupation of the Old Crow Flats, northern Yukon Territory</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Previous investigation into late prehistoric Athapaskan occupation of the Old Crow Flats region, northern Yukon Territory, has centered on large riverside sites. These localities provided the occupants a subsistence centered on caribou interception at river crossings and fishing, and represent warm season inhabitation. Recent excavations at King Edward Spit-West (MkVm-1), a small, late prehistoric campsite, located in an upland environment approximately 30 Km. from the nearest river is discussed. With the aid of 19th century explorers accounts and ethnographic documentation, the occupation of MkVm-1 is examined in light of the late prehistoric subsistence cycle and seasonal utilization of resources,</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bill Angelbeck</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Colin Grier</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">From Paradigms to Practices: Pursuing Horizontal and Long-Term Relationships with Indigenous Peoples for Archaeological Heritage Management</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">38</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">519-540</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Despite paradigmatic statements arguing for a collaborative archaeology, little agreement exists concerning how it should be practiced. In our experience, the relationships between archaeologists and the communities we serve are multi-faceted, and often develop under significant constraints concerning project goals and methodologies. Recognizing this, here we focus on the nature of relationships on the ground between archaeologists and indigenous communities. We argue that two principles should guide our practices. First, archaeologists should pursue horizontal relationships with First Nations that build and expand egalitarian contexts within the otherwise hierarchical political structures of modern nation states. Second, it is through building long-term relationships with communities, and the negotiations these require, that horizontal relations can best be established. Both can help improve archaeological practice. We outline two cases of collaboration involving Coast Salish and Interior Salish groups to illustrate our approach.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Malgré des déclarations paradigmatiques militant en faveur d’une archéologie collaborative, peu de consensus existe concernant la manière dont celle-ci devrait être pratiquée. D’après notre expérience, les relations entre les archéologues et les communautés que nous desservons sont variées et se développent souvent sous des contraintes significatives liées aux buts et aux méthodologies associés à un projet. Reconnaissant cela, nous mettons l’emphase ici sur la nature des relations sur le terrain entre les archéologues et les communautés autochtones. Nous proposons deux principes qui devraient guider nos pratiques. Premièrement, les archéologues devraient chercher à établir avec les Premières Nations des relations horizontales qui contribuent à établir et à développer des contextes égalitaires à l’intérieur des structures hiérarchiques qui caractérisent autrement les états modernes. Deuxièmement, c’est à travers la construction de relations à long terme avec les communautés, et les négociations que cela requiert, que ces relations horizontales peuvent le mieux être établies. Ces deux principes peuvent aider à améliorer la pratique archéologique. Notre approche est illustrée par deux exemples de collaboration avec les groupes Salish de la côte et de l’intérieur.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bill Angelbeck</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Conceptions of Coast Salish Warfare</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">For the lives of Northwest Coast peoples throughout their prehistory and history, warfare was a common occurrence. Images of warfare feature prominently in contemporary conceptions of Northwest Coast cultures, however, these mostly regard the northern groups, like the Haida, Tlingit, or Kwakwaka&#039;wakw. The Coast Salish often are portrayed not as warriors, but as victims, subject to the preying of northern raiders, such as the infamous Lekwiltok. In this paper, I discuss these conceptions and posit that current conceptions about the nature of Coast Salish warfare result mostly from a late historic peak in Coast Salish life, a window of fascinating detail, but one that is fogged by the substantial changes in the decades prior to historic chronicles, particularly the differing effects of disease and the access to firearms. Moreover, such views ignore substantial archaeological and ethnographic evidence regarding warfare among the Coast Salish. For this discussion, I integrate the evidence from archaeology, ethnography, and ethnohistory for a more coherent conception of Coast Salish warfare.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bill Angelbeck</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean Guilaine</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean Zammit</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Translated By Melanie Hersey</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Origins of War: Violence in Prehistory</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">101-104</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Leon Angelo, Camille G.</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Donald K. Grayson</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sex and Death on the Western Emigrant Trail: The Biology of Three American Tragedies</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2020</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">44</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">262–264</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lisa ANSELMI</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Copper-alloy Artifacts Recovered from Huron Sites: A Chronological Look at Native Manufacturing Techniques</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents an analysis of the manufacturing techniques used to create copper-alloy artifacts recovered from a series of attributed Huron archaeological sites in Southern Ontario. An examination of these pieces yields evidence for the chronological development of a series of metalworking techniques which built upon skills employed in the manufacture of other types of objects.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lisa ANSELMI</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beyond the Acculturation Framework: Exploring Native and European Contact in the Northeast in New Ways</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The effects of Native and European contact on Native communities during the Early Contact Period (c. 1500- 1650 A.D.) in the Northeast has long been of interest to archaeologists and anthropologists. For many years, investigations into these effects have been contained within an acculturation framework. However this framework, as it has been employed, has often limited the acknowledgment of Native choice with respect to what European items and ideas were adopted into Native cultural practices and to what manner these items and ideas were used. I suggest that different theoretical constructs, such as practice theory and agency, may be more proficiently used to support future research into the effects of Native and European contact. This paper demonstrates one way that these constructs may be used, taking as an example the manner in which Wendat artisans manufactured copper and copper-alloy artifacts from European kettles that were traded into the Northeast region during this period.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anton, Elaine</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St. John&#039;s Harbour 5 and an Examination of Groswater and Labrador Early Dorset Relationships in Labrador</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St. John&#039;s Harbour 5 in the Nain region of Labrador, was initially described as a Groswater site undergoing influence from Early Dorset. This paper intends to explore the relationship between the Groswater and Early Dorset in Labrador around 2500 B.P. By reviewing a number of lines of evidence from tool types, raw materials, site locations and overlapping dates this paper looks at the type of relationship the Groswater and Early Dorset may have had, and specifically where St. John&#039;s Harbour 5 fits in that relationship.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ANTONE, Paul</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeology in the Public Service / L&#039;archéologie dans la fonction publique</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1997</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Saskatoon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Indians working in the public service need not be restricted to the Department of Indian Affairs. My work with Parks Canada has been involved with interpreting the cultural heritage of native people. In my career in the civil service I have become acquainted with various heritage sites across the country. This has allowed me to continue to work on Indian issues that relate to cultural resource management.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Appelt, Martin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Late Dorset in the High Arctic - Maintaining Contacts</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In recent years, archaeological fieldwork has considerably expanded our empirical basis on late Dorset, with new material from excavations and surveys in the general regions south and north of the Hudson Strait, in central High Arctic Canada, and in the Smith Sound area. Important questions have been raised among other things on the nature of interaction between both local and regional late Dorset groups, as well as between late Dorset groups and other ethnic groups (the Thule people and the Norsemen). The focus of the present paper will be on the late Dorset expansion into the High Arctic and the factors that lead to this expansion. It will be suggested that the expansion should be seen as a conscious choice among groups of individuals responding to a number of &#039;pull&#039; and &#039;push&#039; factors. It will furthermore be argued that the relatively dispersed local and regional groups in the High Arctic for a number of social, economic, and psychological reasons made a strong effort to maintain contact with each other and the more southerly Dorset groups. The considerations presented in the paper will be of a preliminary character and mainly raised to suggest one of the ways research may take in the coming years.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Appelt, Martin</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mikkel Myrup</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Trade and Exchange in the Nuuk-Area, West-Greenland</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">From the early historical sources on Greenland it is apparent that long-distance trade and exchange were important strategically means to on the one hand ensure a wide access to geographically restricted resources and on the other to maintain and develop social ties that among others were crucial in times of need. The Steatite Objects Analyses Project (S.O.A.P.) 2005 - 2007 focuses on the two main articles that were traded out of the Nuuk-area in early historical times, namely steatite and caribou skin. During the project we will highlight the &quot;life-histories&quot; of both these products and the social systems and circumstances that brought the products to life. With the knowledge gained from the combination of archaeological, historical and geochemical analyses of the historical material we will then try to move back in time to analyse the likely palaeo-Eskimo exchange systems along Greenland&#039;s West coast.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Appelt, Martin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Late and Terminal Dorset in High Arctic Greenland</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1999</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Whitehorse, Yukon</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In 1996, 1997 and 1998 the Danish National Museum conducted fieldwork in the Thule District, Greenland. One of the major goals of the research was to highlight the centuries around 1000 AD, focusing on &#039;the Gateway to Greenland&#039;. Excavations on three different Late/Terminal Dorset sites in Hatherton Bay, Inglefield Land leads us to believe that contact among Dorset and Thule groups, and Dorset and the Norsemen took place in the area. Furthermore a total excavation of a so-called &#039;longhouse&#039; from the Dorset culture has led to a re-evaluation of the function of the structure.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David ARCHER</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">NEW EVIDENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF RANKED SOCIETY IN THE PRINCE RUPERT AREA</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An archaeological survey of the Prince Rupert area, conducted between 1982 and 1991, led to the discovery of a number of new, pristine village sites. Analysis of the house depressions at these sites suggests that the idea of inherited rank emerged on the north coast of British Columbia around AD 100, which is 600 years later than previous estimates. This paper presents a summary of the new data and examines their implications for the development of cultural complexity on the northern Northwest Coast.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David J. W. Archer</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Madonna L. Moss</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">With Contributions By Dana Lepofsky</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Natasha Lyons</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Julie K. Stein</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Investigation of Cape Addington Rockshelter: Human Occupation of the Rugged Seacoast on the Outer Prince of Wales Archipelago, Alaska</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">30</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">105-108</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ARCHER, D.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Early Holocene landscapes on the North Coast of BC</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The recent discovery of a raised beach deposit at Port Simpson on the north coast of B.C. provides some new information on changes in sea level during the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene. This paper describes the new evidence and places it within the existing sea level chronology for the Prince Rupert area. The implications for early human settlement in the area are then briefly examined.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">David ARCHER</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Correlations between Oral Traditions and Archaeology during the Middle Period on the Northern Mainland Coast of British Columbia</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Middle Period (3500 - 1500 BP) was a crucial one in the culture history of the Prince Rupert area with major developments occurring in almost all aspects of life. Although several attempts have been made to account for these changes, as yet no consensus has been reached on the causal factors involved and their relative weight. To advance the discussion, several researchers have begun to work with the rich body of oral traditions passed down by the indigenous groups of the region. When carefully analyzed, oral traditions provide a record of past events that were of enduring cultural importance. As such, they form a natural complement to the archaeological record. The challenge lies in the process of integrating the two sources of historical information within an absolute chronological framework. This paper offers an update on the process with particular attention to settlement data recently gathered within the Dundas Island Group.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ardanaz, Jordan J.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Agents as Cultural Motivators</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In this presentation, I shall discuss the concept of agents, in groups or as individuals, as motivators for cultural change. I shall propose an ideological scheme that is fit for understanding the cultural influence that an agent may have expressed in the archaeological record. I will infer that by understanding the agent within the context of a macro-system, yet simultaneously being subject to unique microcosmic biases, he or she may have been able to express and diffuse non-discursive information into a social system that may have influenced its cultural representations. Furthermore, I will explore the need for a methodological approach, involving a stylistic and spatial analysis of cultural materials, from which we may attempt to understand the extent of an agent&#039;s diffused biases.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arendt, Beatrix</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Stephen Loring</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An Archaeological Reconnaissance at Hebron, Labrador</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents the results of a brief archaeological reconnaissance of the Hebron Mission (1830-1959) site conducted in 1990. Arguably among the preeminent &#039;historical&#039; properties along Canada&#039;s Atlantic coast, the site also contains extensive remains of pre-missionary activity by Thule and Dorset occupants.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arendt, Beatrix</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Return to Hopedale: Excavations at Anniowaktook Island, Hopedale, Labrador</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2013</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">37</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">302-330</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;The Hopedale region in Labrador, Canada has a rich history of human activity. Some of the earliest archaeological research on Inuit of this region was conducted by American archaeologist Junius Bird in 1935; however, few researchers have returned to the region to expand on his work. This paper provides a summary of recent excavations conducted at an eighteenth century Inuit sod house settlement Bird identified on Anniowaktook Island (GgCi-02) just east of Hopedale. The region was considered a central trading area among Inuit. Excavations were expected to identify items indicative of this trade with the increasing prevalence of European traders along the coast. Instead, artifact assemblages at Anniowaktook reveal a smaller than expected collection of trade items, and a surprisingly high density of metal materials. The types and quantity of materials amassed suggest Anniowaktook Inuit were making different consumption choices to acquire materials for tool manufacture which were not traditionally part of the trade system.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">La ville et la région d’Hopedale au Labrador, Canada, ont un riche passé d’occupation humaine comme l’a démontré une étude archéologique dirigée par Junius Bird en 1935 sur la population Inuit de cette région. Cependant, peu de chercheurs y étaient retournés pour poursuivre ce que Bird avait entrepris. Le présent travail expose les résultats des fouilles menées récemment dans un village Inuit du 18ème siècle, dans l’île Anniowaktook (GgCi-02), à l’est d’Hopedale, où Bird avait identifié des maisons de tourbe (sod houses). Puisque la région était censée avoir été un centre commercial important, on pensait que les fouilles aideraient à identifier des objets prouvant l’existence de ce commerce et surtout à montrer la prédominance des marchands européens tout le long de la côte. Au contraire, la collection d’artefacts retrouvés à Anniowaktook contient très peu d’objets ayant servi au commerce, mais plutôt une quantité surprenante d’objets en métal. La diversité et la quantité des métaux retrouvés suggèrent que les Inuit d’Anniowaktook choisissaient d’acquérir des matériaux pour la fabrication d’outils qui ne faisaient pas partie du réseau commercial traditionnel.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ARMITAGE, Peter</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel ASHINI</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">(TITLE UNAVAILABLE)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1996</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Halifax</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">No abstract submitted</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An Early Thule Archaeological Site on Banks Island, N.W.T.</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In an article published in 1963, William Taylor presented a series of linked hypotheses on the origin of the Canadian Thule culture. The central idea expressed in these hypotheses was that Thule did not appear full-blown in the Canadian Arctic, but instead developed out of an earlier Birnirk phase that had extended along the Beaufort Sea coast as far as Amundsen Gulf by A.D. 900. Excavations on southem Banks Island carried out in 1980 and 1981 provided evidence which supports this idea. This paper examines the archaeological evidence from the Nelson River site, with particular emphasis on the technological repertory represented by the artifact assemblage.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Morrison</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Thule Culture in Western Coronation Gulf, N.W.T.</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1983</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">108-110</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Carole Stimmel</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">An Analysis of Thule Pottery</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1983</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-021</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;This paper reviews evidence for the origin, distribution, and varieties of Thule pottery. Information obtained from the analysis of a sample of Thule pottery is interpreted in light of ethnographic descriptions of pottery manufacture in the Arctic. The results of the study provide a basis for evaluating various ideas that have been put forward concerning the distribution of this cultural trait.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ce papier passe en revue les évidences pour l&#039;origine, la distribution, et les variétés de la poterie des Thuléens. Les renseignements obtenues de l&#039;analyse de l&#039;échantillon de la poterie des Thuléens sont interpretés employant les descriptions ethnographiques de la fabrication de la poterie dans l&#039;Arctique. Les résultats de l&#039;étude fournissent un fondement pour évaluer les idées diverses qui sont présentées en ce qui concerne la distribution de ce trait culturel.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arnold, Elizabeth</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">RAMSAY, Charles L.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">RAMSAY, Allyson M.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Structure and symbolism in activity areas of Northern Great Plains tipi rings: a method application at EbPi-108, a Late Plains occupation near Nanton,</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The spatial organization of activity areas, structure and symbolism in the organization and use of space of tipi rings at a multi ring site and multi component site, EbPi-108 in southern Alberta is examined and offers a test of the model as developed by Oetelaar (2000). The organization of fixed features including walls, entrances, hearths and altars provides a spatial and cultural context for the material culture recovered from tipi rings. Mechanical and symbolic aspects of the spatial organization can then be considered through an examination of distribution patterns of this refuse. Spatial analysis software plots sets of material culture data to reveal activity areas and helps to interpret their possible social and symbolic relationships. While the majority of spatial patterns support the model, there continues to be some ambiguity with some material culture classes such as lithic refuse in consideration of gender divisions. Additionally, evidence of status distinctions is weak for all types of material culture.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rosalie Scott</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Artifact Conservation in Beaufort Sea Archaeology</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">045-053</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Artifact conservation has been an essential component of the archaeological work undertaken by the Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre in the Beaufort Sea Region. Since 1983, conservators and archaeologists have worked together in the field and in the laboratory to develop procedures which minimize physical alteration of artifacts following their excavation from frozen sites. Our experience demonstrates the need for archaeologists to learn about artifact conservation as part of their academic training, and for conservators to gain first-hand experience with archaeological excavations.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;La conservation des artefacts a été une activité essentielle dans le programme archéologique développé par le Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre dans la région de la Mer de Beaufort. Depuis 1983, conservateurs et archéologues ont travaillé ensemble, sur le terrain et en laboratoire pour développer des moyens de minimiser les dommages physiques subis par les artefects après leur exhumation dans des sites gelés. Notre expérience montre le besoin de formation académique des archéologues en conservation et celui d&amp;#39;une expérience directe de fouilles pour les conservateurs.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dumond</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Eskimos and Aleuts</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1979</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">245-246</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arnold, C.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A consideration of some aspects of Thule pottery</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1981</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">To date, there have been only casual assessments of the significance of pottery in Thule culture sites of arctic Canada. This paper reviews evidence for the origins, distributions, and varieties of Thule pottery. Information obtained from the analysis of a sample of Thule pottery is interpreted in light of ethnographic descriptions of pottery manufacture in the Arctic. The results of the study provide a basis for evaluating various ideas that have been put forward with regard to the distribution of this cultural trait.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">McGhee</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Paleoeskimo Occupations at Port Refuge, High Arctic Canada</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1980</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">181-182</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>5</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author></authors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Luc Pilon</style></author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Investigations on Richards Island</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAA Occasional Paper No. 2</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">85-93</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents an overview of archaeological excavations that have been carried out by the Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre at three localities on Richards Island, in the outer delta of the Mackenzie River. Further research that is planned to analyze the Richards Island archaeological data is discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Artifact Conservation in the Beaufort Sea</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1989</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Fredericton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Artifact conservation has been an essential component of the archaeological work undertaken by the Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Center in the Beaufort Sea Region. Since 1983, conservators and archaeologists have worked together in the field and in the laboratory to develop procedures which minimize physical alteration of artifacts following their excavation from frozen sites. Our experience demonstrates the need for archaeologists to learn about artifact conservation as part of their academic training, and for conservators to gain first-hand experience with archaeological sites.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>5</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Christopher C. Hanks</style></author></authors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jacques Cinq-Mars</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Jean-Luc Pilon</style></author></secondary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Archaeological Field Training in the NOGAP Area</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CAA Occasional Paper No. 1</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">7-13</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Northern Native people have a long-standing interest in their archaeological heritage, but seldom have had opportunities to participate in archaeological studies. The Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre received NOGAP funding in 1985 and 1986 to help resolve that problem by preparing and providing archaeological field training programs in the hydrocarbon development area. We have found that the key to effective training for people who lack an academic background is to make archaeology relevant. This paper summarizes our approach to archaeological field training, and identifies other ways that Native people can participate in archaeological studies. Benefits which archaeological projects can derive from participation by Native peoples are also discussed.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arnold, Elizabeth R.</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ramsay, Charles</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Allyson Ramsay</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Pattern Observations from EbPi-108 and EgPn-564, Two Alberta Plains Late Period Tipi Ring Sites</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Two recent studies at tipi ring sites in southwestern Alberta include comparison of the excavation of five ring features from EbPi-108 and a single ring feature site at EgPn-564. Spatial plots of materials at EbPi-108 have reviewed gender and ideological aspects through consideration of models proposed by Gerald Oetelaar in recent years. However, these and other cultural patterns are reconsidered by observation of variable occupation patterns apparent between the multi-ring and multi-component EbPi-108 site relative to a single ring and single component site at EgPn-564. Aspects of seasonality, landscape, and geomorphic processes are brought to bear on the interpretative models oriented about social and ideological schemes. The objective is to build and re-orient extant tipi ring interpretive model concepts towards a more flexible and broader interpretive framework that can be applied to more complex multi-ring and multi-occupation sites.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles D. Arnold</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Solicited Dialogue on &quot;A Never Ending Story&quot;</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">18</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">119-120</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">These faces are still looking at us, but are they laughing at us?...Stylistic and Proxemic Analysis of the Dorset Petroglyphs of Qajartalik, Nunavik</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Kangirsujuaq region, Nunavik, is a unique area where prehistoric rock-art sites can be found in the Canadian Arctic. In fact only four petroglyph sites have been identified so far, all located along the north-east coast of Ungava peninsula. One of those sites, Qajartalik (JhEv-1), was first studied during the 1960&#039;s by the anthropologist B. Saladin-d&#039;Anglure, who counted 94 different petroglyphs and interpreted them as being a Dorset production. Comparing their formal elements, Saladin-d&#039;Anglure identified two distinct types, and a few sub-types. Neither this typology nor the methodology applied were ever critically re-examined thereafter (e.g. Taçon 1993), leaving some discrepancies in the archaeological interpretation of the site. Recent research has led to a reassessment these petroglyphs, and also to the discovery of more than 80 new motifs. At first sight, all depict human-like heads facing on. However, a close examination allows to distinguish at least seven different types of faces. Moreover facial details are sometimes explicit enough that one can interpret some distinct expressions - suggesting astonishment, sorrowness and so on - from one engraved figure to another. Without doing any psychological interpretation, this paper will present a proxemic analysis, along with a typological one, which could help to get better insights into the mimicry that Dorset people could have used for non-verbal communications in some specific contexts.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">On the threshold of archaeological theory? Theorizing rock-art research in Canada</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2001</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Banff</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rock-art research has never been part of the intellectual mainstream in Canadian archaeology, although some discoveries and experiments have had important impacts on the international scientific scene during the last four decades. During the 1970&#039;s and 1980&#039;s, considered by some as a golden-age for rock-art research, hundreds of rock-art sites were reported throughout the country, and many were analysed according to scientific procedure proper to archaeological methods. However, the theoretical framework for interpreting the meaning content of those sites was not always explicit, and even sometimes lacking, due in part to the fact that no absolute dating methods could be applied for helping archaeologist to put this type of data in a more secure cultural timeframe. The last decade (the 1990&#039;s) has been a period of important changes in rock-art research in different parts of the world, thanks to the application of absolute-dating methods (especially through AMS) to rock-art sites, the interest for cognitive sciences and conservation issues, and, for some countries, efforts made for collaborating more closely with Native communities. Paradoxically, there has been a decrease of interest, as well as of means and resources, for studying rock-art sites in various part of Canada, in particular in the Provinces within the Canadian Shield. My paper will show how a more important consideration of current theories produced by specialists in that field around the world could help to revive this interest in rock art among Canadian archaeologists, and how current and future research projects held in Canada will allow to better contribute to theoretical debates here and abroad.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Current Research on Quebec Rock-Art Sites</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2005</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Nanaimo</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Until the 1990&#039;s only a few sites had been studied in the Quebec part of the Canadian Shield. This situation started to change when I set up a multi-disciplinary project named PETRARQ, which aimed at reassessing our methods for studying rock-art sites in the Province. Since then, new decorated panels have been identified within some already known sites, and the six new painted and three engraved sites have been discovered altogether in the boreal forest alone, north of the St. Lawrence Valley. These results suggest that rock-art is not a mere epiphenomenon in Quebec but is part of a larger cognitive and visual symbolic system proper to Algonquian groups who have been inhabiting the Canadian Shield for millennia. This paper intends to shed new lights on this old phenomenon in Quebec compared to the rest of the Shield.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Amélie Langlais</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">New discoveries at the Kiinatugarvik site (JhEv-1)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2002</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The 2001 field season at the Qajartalik (site JhEv-1) soapstone quarry allow the discovery of new evidence suggesting a use of the site over several centuries. The authors will discuss these discoveries which shed new light on soapstone use in relation with highly symbolic visual manifestations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Images et contextes, quelques réflexions à propos du site Nisula (DeEh-1)</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Le site Nisula (DeEh-1), le premier site de peintures rupestres à avoir été découvert à l&#039;est du Québec, a fait l&#039;objet d&#039;analyses préliminaires en septembre 1992. Quelques dizaines de pictogrammes y ont été relevés, dont une quinzaine à caractére figuratif (motifs anthropomorphes et zoomorphes). Malgré le fait qu&#039;il est actuellement impossible d&#039;établir l&#039;ancienneté de ce site, une étude comparative de quelques-uns de ces motifs figuratifs permet de reconnaître des caractéristiques formelles similaires à celles de certains sites préhistoriques du Bouclier canadien. Peut-on alors considérer qu&#039;un ou plusieurs groupes culturels autochtones aient pu utiliser des symboles visuels spécifiques pour diffuser certains concepts idéologiques fondamentaux à l&#039;intérieur d&#039;un vaste territoire? Et à qui était adressé le message iconographique? En prenant le cas particulier du site Nisula, l&#039;auteur tente d&#039;évaluer dans quelle mesure il est possible de réaliser une étude du contexte d&#039;exposition des pictogrammes.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Pascale Vaillancourt</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Kaapehpeshapischinikanuuch,a rock outcrop on Nemaska Lake where paintings have been left forever... Multidisciplinary analysis of a unique pictograph</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2000</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Ottawa</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This paper presents some results of the 1998 and 1999 fieldworks of PETRARQ, a multidisciplinary research project on Quebec rock art sites. It deals with a newly pictograph site located in Cree territory, one of the biggest rock art sites in Eastern Subarctic. Considering its archaeological and iconographic components, as well as the stories that have been told about it by Cree elders, this site should belong to a larger Algonquian ideological sphere which has covered a huge area within the Canadian Shield in the past. Moreover its toponymic reference, &#039;Kaapehpeshapischinikanuuch&#039;, reveals that it might have been part of the Algonquian sacred landscape for many centuries.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arthurs, David</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Remapping the Historic Caribou Fences of Vuntut National Park</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The historic caribou fences lying on the southern slopes of the British Mountains, in the northern Yukon, are some of the most impressive and evocative archaeological features of the western Subarctic. To provide data for their interpretation and presentation, and to assist in the management of these fragile cultural resources, the seven wooden caribou fences of Vuntut National Park of Canada are being remapped.This presentation will compare and contrast the fences that have been investigated to date, and discuss the challenges of recording and managing these landscape-scale structures.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arthurs, D.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Manitou Mounds in Rainy River Prehistory–A Preliminary Interpretation</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1976</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1975 saw the completion of a highly successful three-year archaeological survey, conducted by the Ontario Ministry of Culture and Recreation at Manitou Mounds Park Reserve, on the Rainy River in northwestern Ontario. A total of 30 habitation and special activity sites and six of the prehistoric burial mounds now known in the area have been located and intensive test excavations conducted in seven site areas. Preliminary results indicate that the sites were occupied seasonally over a period of perhaps 3000 years by a number of northern peoples, to take advantage of the varied natural resources peculiar to the Rainy River district, and the strategic location of the area with respect to major cross-continental trade routes, through prehistory and during the Fur Trade era.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Arthurs, David</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Subsurface Imaging of the Linear Mounds</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Winnipeg</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">This presentation will present preliminary results of ground penetrating radar investigations at Linear Mounds National Historic Site of Canada, in southwestern Manitoba. The objectives of the project were to use remote sensing technology to gather data on the construction of the earthworks, and to document disturbances in the burial mounds associated with early archaeological explorations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ASCH, Michael</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cultural Property and the Question of Underlying Title</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1994</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Edmonton</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">In asking the question &#039;who owns the cultural property found at a site,&#039; it is useful to ask &#039;who owns the ground itself.&#039; By ownership in this sense I mean &#039;jurisdiction.&#039; It leads to questions about underlying title, sovereignty and treaty rights. In this discussion, I will direct my attention to the question of underlying title as a means to determine ownership of cultural property. I will look at some difficulties this approach creates for accurate determination of ownership and advance possible solutions, both for the long-terrn and the present.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Archaeological Association</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS OF THE CANADIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION (Revised Edition 1971-72)</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1972</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">125-132</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Archaeological Association</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Constitution and By-Laws of the Canadian Archaeological Association</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Bulletin</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1969</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">001-004</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ASTORQUI, A.</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Methodological Alternative: New Perspective in the Archaeological Record</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">What is sought in this article is present a series of new and different applications that had not been carried out up to now in the archaeological investigation, concretely in the systems of the archaeological record, using Geographic Information Systems[GIS in Archaeology] and terrestrial digital photogrammetry, understanding for it the branch of the photogrammetry that uses as data of entrance terrestrial pictures, not aerial. The necessity that we have of registering all archaeological evidence in the different field works that we develop takes us to an enormous storing of data of diverse nature, but that they have a common nexus. That point of union, most of the times, are merely spatial. In our current investigations we give an excellent importance to the fact that a certain archaeological material is located here or there regarding some well-known point. The same raisin with the archaeological and geological levels. The space situation can give us, many times, more information than the own materials or levels. For example we can know how those materials have arrived up to place where we discover them, if it has been for the man&#039;s action or of some animal one or simply for causes of the own Nature. If we analyze this way, individually, one at one, the materials or levels can fall in the error of make a partial reading and allow us to take for the theory that more we need it, usually the easiest interpretation. This can be avoid relating some levels with other, the materials of oneself level, and even the diverse materials of all the archaeological levels. This whole lattice needs of the necessary tools for, only not to pick up the data but storing them in such way ,that we can carry out complex questions to the record and responds us quickly and effectiveness. That structures the entrance data well to give an exit corresponding to the objectives that we mark ourselves in the research that we are carrying out. As it is already known by everybody, the GIS carry out that function: introduction, structuration and exit of data. We also know that the entrance of data is not only one of the most expensive tasks. Also the selection of data according to the ends or objectives that we pursue. I have been able to check that it is not enough a tool that manages a geographical potent database. This has to be supplemented with an instrument or method that it allows to capture the data required. Here it is where the Photogrammetry is introduced, as a group of methods and operations that allow the making of topographical maps and planes. In this case we will center in the application of the Terrestrial Photogrammetry, because the pictures used are obtained in the settlement. And we will see the stereogrammetry, application of stereoscopic pictures. This is a field that works with 3D models that helps us to maintain the necessary space relationship among different study objects. The whole exhibition will be supplemented with examples carried out indifferent Spanish archaeological settlements ( El Mirón Cave, Cantabria, Torralba y Ambrona, Soria) where in some, they stay the traditional records systems and in other, they begin to introduce innovations.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marina La Salle</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rich Hutchings</style></author></secondary-authors><tertiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Sonya Atalay</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lee Rains Clauss</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Randall H. McGuire</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">John R. Welch</style></author></tertiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Transforming Archaeology: Activist Practices and Prospects</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2015</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">39</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">359-362</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Maxime Aubert</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Alan Watchman</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Daniel Arsenault</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">and Louis Gagnon</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">L&#039;archéologie rupestre du Bouclier canadien: Potentiel archéométrique</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2004</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">28</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">051-074</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Different types of mineral deposits, principally silicas, oxalates and carbonates, have been observed at many rock art sites throughout the world. Such mineral deposits are often layered and can be dated because they contain a great variety of datable materials. Recent technological advances have expanded the analysis of such components related to rock art. This paper looks at several theoretical and technical notions that enable the dating of silica skin accretions associated with rock art in the Canadian Shield. The dating of these accretions gives the age of certain rock art sites because the rock may have been covered with layers of silica before and after the creation of paintings and engravings. Certain characteristics of silica films can thus reflect the temporal framework and also the climatic conditions present when they were formed. They are thus a source of geological, archaeological and paleoenvironmental information.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Différents types de dépôts minéraux, principalement des silicates, des oxalates et des carbonates ont été observés sur plusieurs sites rupestres de la planète. Ces minéraux se déposent souvent en fines couches qui peuvent être datées, notamment parce qu&amp;rsquo;elles peuvent contenir une grande variété de matériel datable. De récents développements technologiques permettent l&amp;rsquo;analyse de certaines de ces composantes associées aux sites rupestres. Ce texte propose des notions théoriques et techniques utiles à la datation des accrétions siliceuses caractérisant habituellement les œuvres rupestres du Bouclier canadien. La datation de concrétions siliceuses offre le potentiel d&amp;rsquo;évaluer l&amp;rsquo;ancienneté relative des sites rupestres lorsque la roche a été recouverte par différentes couches de silice amorphe avant et après la création de peintures, de dessins et de gravures. Certaines caractéristiques isotopiques des pellicules de silice peuvent en effet fournir des informations précieuses sur le cadre temporel, de même qu&amp;rsquo;à propos des conditions climatiques prévalant lorsque ces sites furent créés. Les analyses fondées sur cette approche ouvrent des perspectives exceptionnelles pour l&amp;rsquo;enrichissement des connaissances des sites rupestres, autant du point de vue géologique, archéologique que paléo-climatique.&lt;/p&gt;</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. Auger</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16th Century English Venture to Baffin Island: Evidence From Martin Frobisher &#039;s Expeditions</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Martin Frobisher&#039;s expeditions (1576-1578) to the Eastern Arctic sought initially to find a route to Cathay and when that proved to be less lucrative than the gold the English could bring back, the Company of Cathay was funded in order to mine tons of supposedly gold-bearing black ores. The enterprise resulted in the implantation of the earliest, though short-lived, industrial English establishment in the New World. This presentation highlights The archaeological potential of Frobisher&#039;s base camp on Kodlunarn Island, and discusses the results and preliminary analysis of the data from the 1990-1991 limited testing on the island. The overview of the limited archaeological research carried out so far provides us with architectural, artifactual and archaeometric data which will help in answering a host of anthropological and historical questions related to technological aspects of the Frobisher endeavour.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. Auger</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">A STUDY OF EIGHTEENTH CENTURY SOD HOUSES IN SOUTHERN LABRADOR</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Unlike the written documents which support an Inuit presence in the Strait of Belle Isle from as early as the sixteenth century, the Inuit presence is archaeologicaly noticeable only at the end of the eighteenth century. After a review of the history of the Labrador Inuit/European contacts, we discuss the results of the archaeological research, which focused on sod houses located on both shores of the Strait. The evidence from two type sites is described in detail in order to highlight the degree of architectural and material cultural similarity that existed between Labrador Inuit and Europeans. The similarities observed between the two ethnic groups show how complex it is to tell them apart, because of acculturation which worked both ways. It appears that the Inuit were attracted by the increased European fishing activities in the area. Finally, this research reveals that the first European settlers of the Strait of Belle Isle were building sod houses very similar to what we know of the nineteenth century Labrador Inuit.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. Auger</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Initial Study of the Kodlunarn Island Artifacts and their Potential for Future Research</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1993</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Montreal</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The first voyage of Martin Frobisher to the Eastern Arctic (1576) aimed at the discovery of the Northwest Passage but as it was customary the expedition brought back minerals to show that a new land had been discovered. Following the assaying of the ore the expedition had taken, one assayer was convinced it contained gold and silver. The lure of a gain was so strong that two other voyages were undertaken in 1577-1578 in order to mine supposedly precious -metal bearing ores. As the Frobisher expeditions left traces on Kodlunarn Island an archaeological research programme was planned in order to, investigate the technology used to extract the minerals, their assaying, and the logistics of provisioning an Arctic expedition in Elizabethan time. In addition to the above aims, another component of our programme studies the impact of the Frobisher voyages on the southeastern Baffin Inuit. This paper discusses the research which has taken place at the Frobisher base camp since 1990 and presents the result of the analysis carried out on the recovered material. The excavation, albeit very limited, shows that the Kodlunarri Island site provides a unique time capsule which has potential for documenting that aspect of the Elizabethan voyages of exploration which is left out from the official accounts.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Réginald Auger</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">On the “Instrumentalisation” of Archaeology as a Tool of Colonialism</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2018</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">165-171</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. Auger</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">William Fitzhugh</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Lynda Gullison</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Anne Henshaw</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE FROBISHER VOYAGES: 1990</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The archaeological remains of Martin Frobisher&#039;s sixteenth century expeditions searching for a northern route to Cathay and mining gold ore in Frobisher Bay, southeastern Baffin Island, were investigated by a joint Canadian-American team in August 1990. The four-week survey by archaeologists, geologists, and historians was the first of a planned multi-year community-based project which will involve local participation in field excavation and oral history reconstruction. The primary focus of the study is the earliest documented European voyages to the North American Arctic and their impact on early Inuit cultures during a period of significant climatic change, the Little Ice Age. Eventually this material will be compared to the later culture contact experienced in the whaling period. During the 1990 season, 46 archaeological sites were located including several Frobisher sites and Inuit contact period sites. The sites suggest a considerable amount of artifactual and faunal evidence for European-Inuit contact exists in outer Frobisher Bay and that Inuit interaction with the Frobisher expeditions and material remains was more extensive than suggested in the historic accounts. The sites also should permit study of broader issues including the effect of environmental conditions on resource availability during the Little Ice Age and the indirect effects of European contact on Eastern Arctic Inuit political,economic, and demographic systems.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. Auger</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">ARCHEOLOGIE A L&#039;ILE KODLUNARN: CAMP DE BASE DE MARTIN FROBISHER 1577-1578</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les exploits de Martin Frobisher (1576-. 1578) dans sa poursuite de la découverte du passage du nord-ouest n&#039;ont d&#039;égal que son habileté à convaincre ses créanciers de lui fournir les fonds nécessaires à l&#039;établissement d&#039;une colonie de 400 mineurs sur l&#039;île Kodlunarn. Au cours des trois années consécutives que Frobisher dirigea ses expéditions dans l&#039;Arctique, la premiére visait à découvrir la route vers la Chine, alors que les deux autres avaient pour objectif l&#039;exploitation de minerais dans le but d&#039;en extraire l&#039;or qu&#039;ils devaient contenir. Cette entreprise pour la moins audacieuse résulta en l&#039;implantation de l&#039;établissement industriel anglais le plus ancien au Nouveau Monde. Cette communication vise donc à démontrer le potentiel archéologique du poste de transformation des minerais construit sur l&#039;île Kodlunarn. Nous présentons les résultats de la reconnaissance archéologique de l&#039;île Kodlunarn et des sondages pratiqués sur le fourneau d&#039;essai, la forge, la rampe de lancement des navires et de l&#039;analyse de la collecte de surface dans une zone d&#039;érosion. Bien que trés préliminaires, les données architecturales, les témoins archéologiques et l&#039;archéométrie apportent des éléments d&#039;explication à des questions d&#039;aspect technologique reliées à l&#039;entreprise de Frobisher. Enfin, il est à noter que les problématiques de cette étude n&#039;ont jamais été soulevées dans les études utilisant un cadre traditionel dans l&#039;analyse des documents historiques.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>13</ref-type><contributors><secondary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. Auger</style></author></secondary-authors><subsidiary-authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Beaudet</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cloutier</style></author></subsidiary-authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Les témoins archéologiques du fort Chambly</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">249-250</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">R. Auger</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF KODLUNARN ISLAND: MARTIN FROBISHER&#039;S BASE CAMP OF 1577-1578</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1991</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">St.John&#039;s</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Few European enterprises in the history of the New World discovery rival Martin Frobisher&#039;s (1576-1578) exploits in search of the Northwest Passage. For three summers Frobisher led expeditions into the Canadian Arctic, first seeking a route to Cathay and when that eluded him, mining tons of black ore for gold. Frobisher&#039;s mining enterprises resulted in the implantation of the earliest industrial English establishment in the New World. This presentation highlights the archaeological potentiel of Frobisher&#039;s base camp on Kodlunarn Island. It discusses the results of the 1990 survey of the Island, limited testing of the assay office, the smithy, the ship trench and the material recovered from the eroding bank in front of the site. This preliminary archaeological reconnaissance provides us with architectural, artifactual and archaeometric data which will help in answering a host of anthropological and historical questions related to technological aspects of the Frobisher endeavour and left unexplained in the previous literature.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Augustine, Madeline</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Metepenagiag Heritage Park project, Part I</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2006</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Toronto</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Metepenagiag Mi&#039;kmaq Nation is undertaking the development of Metepenagiag Heritage Park (MHP) with the primary objective of protecting and presenting the national significance of Augustine Mound and Oxbow National Historic Sites of Canada - two of the most outstanding archaeological sites in Eastern Canada. This presentation will explore the history and development of the park, and the relationships that have developed between archaeologists and the community of Metepenagiag.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Shaun J. Austin</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Maritime Archaic and Recent Indian Evidence from Cape Cove Beach, Newfoundland</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Canadian Journal of Archaeology/Journal canadien d&#039;archéologie</style></secondary-title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1984</style></year></dates><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">8</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">115-126</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">&lt;p&gt;Data from three Newfoundland sites excavated in l979 are reconsidered. Cape Cove 1 contains a ca. 4500 year old Maritime Archaic living area, as well as one dating to some time around 3600 B.P. Material recovered from Cape Cove 2 bears a close resemblance to a Recent Indian manifestation known as The Beaches complex. Cape Cove 3 seems to have been occupied, at various times, by groups associated with each of the three known complexes of the Recent Indian period &amp;ndash; Cow Head, Beaches, and Little Passage.&lt;/p&gt;</style></abstract><custom1><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">On reconsidère ici les données ramassées en l979 lors des excavations des trois sites à Terre-Neuve. &#039;Cape Cove 1&#039; contient un espace vital ArchaÔque Maritime d&#039;environ 4500 ans avant notre ère, ainsi qu&#039;un autre datant de 3600 ans (approximativement) avant notre ère. Le matériel trouvé à &#039;Cape Cove 2&#039; ressemble au &#039;Beaches complex&#039; de la période Indienne Récente. On pense que &#039;Cape Cove 3&#039; à été occupé, à différents temps, par des groupes associés à chacun des trois complexes connus de la période Indienne Récente: &#039;Cow Head&#039;, &#039;Beaches&#039; et &#039;Little Passage&#039;.</style></custom1><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Austin, Shaun</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Wilcox Lake Site (AlGu-17): An Early Middle Iroquoian Component in the Regional Municipality of York, Ontario</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1992</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">London</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The Wilcox Lake site (AlGu-17) is a 1.2 hectare early Middle Iroquoian village situated in a public park along the elevated eastern shore of a large kettle lake in the Oak Ridges Interlobate Moraine physiographic region, approximately 35 km north of Toronto. Between 1989 and 1990, 383 square metres of the site were excavated by Archaeological Services Inc. in advance of the installation of a playground unit and washroom sewer line in the park. The available evidence indicates a year-round village occupation dating to between ca. A.D. 1280-1320. The Wilcox Lake site is beginning to provide data on a previously unknown regional expression of the Early to Middle Iroquoian transition. Although the ceramic sample is meagre, preliminary inter-site comparisons are made with the Uren, Boys, Bennett, and Barrie ceramic assemblages.</style></abstract></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>47</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">AYRES, Candace</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Gerald Oetelaar</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Dining on the Prairies: An Examination of a Typical Winter Diet of Southern Alberta&#039;s First Peoples at the Time of Contact</style></title></titles><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1998</style></year></dates><pub-location><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Victoria</style></pub-location><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">It is commonly thought in the archaeological community that Native diet prior to contact was inadequate, especially during lean times (i.e. winter). The purpose of this paper is to examine the nutritional quality of a pre contact diet using a combination of ethnohistoric, ethnoarchaeological and chemical research. Upon contacting a Southern Alberta Blood camp in late winter 1841, Rundle was served a meal of berry soup, dried prairie turnips, buffalo tongue, berry pemmican, dried berries, and buffalo fat. As part of this research, the recipes for the dishes served at this meal were obtained from a local member of the Tsuu tíina Nation (who still practices traditional cooking) as well as from some historic sources. Each of the ingredients represented in the dishes were then analyzed for nutritional content using Kuhnlein and Turner (1991) and my own analysis. These nutritional values were, in turn, compared to modern Recommended Daily Allowances (RDA) for the average North American. The results indicate that the typical Native meal, even during lean times, is every bit as healthy if not more so, than that recommended by the RDA.</style></abstract></record></records></xml>